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Dispatches on the Uprising in Iran

Siyavash Shahabi is an Iranian journalist and political activist currently living as a refugee in Athens, Greece, and is the author of the blog FireNextTime, which focuses on labor movements, migration, and social struggles, especially in Iran. The dispatches below are collected from an on-going analysis posted on social media. They are in chronological order beginning with the most recent events.


 

January 17, 2026

In this video, Leila Hosseinzadeh speech In today’s solidarity rally in Paris, lays it out in blunt, unfiltered language: in the latest wave of repression, the Islamic Republic has crossed the line from “street killings” into a level that international legal language can only understand as crimes against humanity, from shooting passersby and wounded people, to attacking medical facilities, to firing “finishing shots” on a wide scale.

At the same time, the internet shutdown is highlighted as a modern tool of repression: not just silencing the news but isolating an entire nation and turning it into a kind of collective prison. The message is simple: when communication is cut, repression becomes cheaper and easier.

One of the sharpest parts of the video is how it criticizes two parallel projects of distortion at once. On one side are Trump’s performative gestures of “support,” which in practice give the regime exactly what it needs to frame mass killing as “foreign interference,” and then even paint the victims as criminals. On the other side is an Israel-aligned opposition that links protesters to the “enemy,” making it easier for the state to justify crackdowns. In that same frame, the Pahlavi current is also challenged, especially the way it calls the murdered “casualties” and fuels division.

The video also takes aim at the so-called “axis of resistance left,” where (under the banner of anti-imperialism) some people literally cheer the killing of civilians by slapping them with security labels like “Mossad agents.” The conclusion is bitter but precise: the silence of parts of the international progressive camp is itself part of the disaster.

In the end, the speaker turns to the social and economic reality: price liberalization, the state’s retreat from public services, the housing and employment crises, water and energy breakdowns, and constant repression, and to people who step into the streets empty-handed, “either to die or to be free.”

The central slogan is the one the world already knows: Woman, Life, Freedom. And the call is urgent: pressure governments and companies to restore internet access and break the communications siege. Tomorrow is too late.

 

January 17, 2026

It looks like Trump’s view of Iran’s fascist state and a big chunk of the Western Left’s view have basically converged, because they’ve landed in the same ugly place: treating the Islamic Republic as a legitimate adult in the room, and Iranians as background noise.

Trump is out here thanking a fascist regime for “cancelling” execution sentences, as if mass death sentences are a normal administrative policy that can be paused like a bad subscription. As if the regime deserves applause for not doing the thing it had no right to do in the first place. This is how normalization works: you turn the regime from perpetrator into partner, from executioner into negotiator. You take the knife out of the killer’s hand and hand them a microphone.

And then you have Roger Waters claiming the regime “listened” to shopkeeper protests, like this is some responsive government making democratic adjustments. That framing is poison. Fascist regimes don’t “listen” in the same way a society does. They calculate. They tighten and loosen pressure the way a boot shifts on a neck, not out of conscience, but to avoid losing control. A tactical retreat is not reform. A temporary pause is not accountability. A propaganda-friendly concession is not justice.

What’s striking is how similar the emotional payoff is for both camps.

For Trump-world, it’s the fantasy of the strongman deal: praise the regime, get a “gesture,” declare progress, move on. For a slice of the Western Left, it’s the fantasy of the anti-imperialist story staying clean: if the regime can be described as rational, pragmatic, and capable of “responding,” then it can be kept inside the comforting script where the main villain is always Washington, and the people being crushed by the regime are inconvenient footnotes.

Different ideologies, same outcome: the normalization of fascism.

And it’s not accidental. It runs on an old, patronizing, racist habit of looking at West Asia through the same colonial lens, whether it’s Trump or Waters. The lens says: we are the interpreters; you are the interpreted. We decide which deaths count, which struggles are “authentic,” which uprisings are “CIA,” which executions are “internal affairs,” which women’s bodies are “culture,” and which protests are “useful.”

Yes, foreign interference is real. Sanctions are real. Great-power games are real. But the oldest trick in the book is using those realities to downgrade the most immediate reality of all: the regime that beats, imprisons, tortures, shoots, and executes people to stay in power. The Islamic Republic doesn’t become less fascist because Washington is cynical. The prison doesn’t get softer because geopolitics is dirty. A bullet doesn’t slow down because someone can write a clever thread about imperialism.

And here’s where the Western liberal comfort zone really breaks people’s brains. The neoliberal left, especially, can’t grasp the political and intellectual foundations of an anti-capitalist uprising, so it clings to top-down storylines like a flotation device. That’s why they keep repeating “Pahlavi, Pahlavi, Pahlavi,” even though he has no real legitimacy inside Iran. It’s an easy narrative: neat, televised, familiar. A “leader,” a “transition,” a “plan.” Something that looks like their own politics, just in a different accent.

But they can’t answer the basic question that ruins the whole fantasy: if this was just a scripted project from above, why did thousands of people in hundreds of cities pour into the streets, and why did the regime shoot them? Do you assume these people are ignorant and got fooled? If so, then why aren’t the ones who showed up at the regime’s state rallies counted as the “fooled” ones on the other side?

Because admitting that would mean admitting the script is a lie. It would mean recognizing that the reality on the ground is messier, more radical, more classed, more feminist, more explosive, and far more dangerous to the global comfort order than the TV version they’ve been sold.

We Iranians don’t need Western saviors. It’s actually up to us Iranians today to build an anti-fascist front: rooted in workers, women, students, and the crushed majority; independent from foreign patrons; ruthless about naming the immediate oppressor; and serious about organizing power from below. The West can either stop getting in the way or keep proving, again and again, that it prefers a “stable” fascism to a real liberation.

 

January 16, 2026

What does a revolution look like?

To me, it looks like that moment when a crowd suddenly realizes it’s not just that they have “nothing left to lose”, it’s that they’re taking the world back. And by “world,” I mean agency: the right to choose, the right to say no, the right to breathe without needing permission.

A revolution is the moment fear stops being privately hoarded and starts getting shared. And once fear is shared, the repression machine stops looking like one solid monster. It turns into something far more fragile: exhausted people, panicked commanders, contradictory orders, stray bullets, and lies that crumble like chalk off a cracked wall.

Video: Sabalan Street, Tehran, Thursday, January 8. The East Tehran Tax Administration building, what a symbol, what a place, for tearing down capitalism’s discriminatory “order”…

And now watch a bunch of fools and the politically naive (or even racists who see fascism in the East as culture) in the West rewrite everything under the label of “Pahlavi” and “Israeli interference.”

 

January 16, 2026

The Islamic regime’s army chief says, “If our young forces wanted to confront the protesters with the full power of weapons, they could have rounded everyone up in two hours. But because the ‘rioters’ were using ‘human shields,’ our forces defended the country and the people only by risking their own lives.”

This claim is familiar. Over the past two years, Israel has used the same story, saying Hamas uses Palestinian civilians as “human shields”, to justify genocide. The similarity is not an accident; it’s a technique. Fascist-style narratives always look for a moral excuse for violence. They turn killing from a choice into something “forced,” and they reduce the victim from a human being into a “tool.”

When you say “human shield,” you strip people of their names, faces, and right to live, and you turn them into objects in a scene of war and repression. Then the shooter presents himself as the savior: “We could have ended it fast, but we had morals.” That is the truth turned upside down: the killer becomes the victim, and the victim becomes the guilty one.

In Iran, the label “rioter” does the same job as the label “terrorist” does in Gaza. It removes politics from protest, and it removes humanity from the dead body. Then, “human shield” is used to wash responsibility away from every bullet. If a child is killed, if a passerby falls, if bodies are wrapped in plastic, the story is ready: “They hid behind the people.”

This single phrase works like a full machine: it numbs society, discredits witnesses, and dries up empathy. Fascism doesn’t begin with raw hate; it begins with controlling language. First, it takes the words, then it takes the lives.

And today’s fascism is not only boots and batons; it’s a storytelling industry. Media, official platforms, and an army of slogans work together to knead reality like dough: repression becomes “defense,” murder becomes “necessary,” and people become “shields.” This is the logic of impunity: if the victim is not treated as fully human, then no crime is seen as a crime.

That’s exactly why we need a third path: not siding with state repression in the name of “security” and “unity,” and not excusing militarism and state terror in the name of “self-defense.” A third path means standing firmly with ordinary people: women, workers, children, citizens, and refugees. It means politics from below, independent organizing, blunt truth-telling, and solidarity that doesn’t get trapped by propaganda or by states’ narrative wars.

A third path means opposing occupation and mass killing in Palestine, while also opposing repression and mass killing in Iran. It means an anti-war position that can stand with Ukraine without hesitation and defend Rojava against Islamic reaction. Against dehumanization in every costume.

You can’t defeat fascism by choosing between two lies. You have to break the lying machine, and that takes independent social power, an awake conscience, and real organizations on the ground.

 

January 16, 2026

In the wake of escalating protests and strike action across Iran since late 2025—amid intensifying state repression and an internet shutdown—two major labor organizations, the Dutch Trade Union Confederation (FNV) and the International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers’ Associations (IUF), have issued separate statements calling for an immediate end to state violence, the release of detained labor activists, and guarantees for independent union organizing.

Both statements converge on several core points:

they frame protests and strikes as an intelligible response to deepening political and livelihood crises; condemn the securitization of labor organizing; and present independent unionization, freedom of expression, and freedom of assembly not as political concessions, but as fundamental rights of workers and citizens.

At the same time, the statements suggest that, for a segment of the international trade union movement, Iran is not merely a domestic crisis, but a test of whether one can resist state repression while also drawing a clear line against war-making projects and externally engineered power arrangements.

Iran Labor confederation – Abroad called on unions to publicly condemn killings, arrests, and the internet shutdown; to pressure their own governments to pursue diplomatic measures aimed at halting repression; to support the public’s access to a “free internet”; and to pursue action through international bodies, including the ILO.

https://iranlc.org/en/11756

 

January 15, 2026

When a journalist asks Trump, “Have you seen the bodies wrapped in plastic?”, he repeats the Islamic fascist regime’s false narrative and says: “They (the protesters) were shooting, and they (the Islamic Republic) responded.”

That sentence is the distilled essence of a policy that reduces people’s lives to “two sides of a conflict” and places the killer in the position of a legitimate negotiating partner.

Pahlavi and the pro–military intervention crowd who have been waiting for power via Trump are only now realizing (again) that they’ve been played. Trump believes the “other side” talks about “stopping the killings and executions” and about a “return to calm.” And we all know who this “other side” is: the criminal regime that has drowned thousands of lives and dreams in blood, the same regime that enjoys full impunity and remains a “preferred partner for negotiations.”

Reza, just like his father, who in 1978 left Iran on the orders of the U.S. ambassador, hoping to return, handed the country over to Khomeini, and died in Egypt, once again has to wait for a “signal.” When history turns into spectacle, it repeats itself. For us, the people of Iran, this bitter experience has been enormously costly.

The Pahlavi project must be understood within the framework of coordination between the United States and the Islamic regime to contain and crush the massive uprising of the Iranian people. They may present themselves as “enemies,” but there is one thing they will never hand over: West Asia to a mass, progressive, secular, anti-authoritarian movement.

From Erdoğan to Netanyahu (the genocide perpetrator), with all their filthy and contradictory propaganda, they are pleased to see the Iranian people drowned in blood and are actively pushing their fabricated narratives. The brutal repression of Iranians is a “manageable cost” for the existing order.

Do you really think the Islamic Republic, after two decades of telling the United States “no” over the nuclear issue and dismissing human rights as a Western game against it, has suddenly decided to say “yes” to Trump to stop killing its opponents?

The reality is something else entirely. Iranian society will not be silenced by this horrific massacre. The Islamic regime has entered a much deeper crisis in its relationship with society. The meaning is clear: the West is staying silent in the face of the regime’s crimes to preserve security privileges and cheap energy in the region.

January 15, 2026

Last night’s protest in Berlin brought together thousands of leftist and progressive Iranians.

Support the people of Iran against a theocratic regime, and at the same time condemn foreign interference and the geopolitical games of states. Take to the streets with red flags. Stand alongside Iranian democrats and seculars. Turn your attention away from what authoritarian states, from East to West, are telling you, and return to democracy, human rights, and human dignity. Say no to war.

Do not wait for Iranians to organize everything on their own. Take to the streets. This is not just a political position; it is a matter of humanity.

January 15, 2026

Racist, fascist apologist journalists who deliberately erase the realities of Iranian society are now shamelessly talking about a so-called “U.S. defeat in Iran.” This level of analysis is not just stupid—it is deeply racist. You don’t see Iran as a living society; you see it as nothing more than a stage in a great-power game, and in the process, you erase its people.

Iran today is one of the very few places where people are paying a real, heavy price to fight both fascism and for democracy at the same time. You can’t hide that reality behind geopolitical headlines. If you have even a minimum of professional integrity, go and read, at least, the official research produced by the Islamic Republic’s own state on secularization and the decline of religiosity in Iranian society. The reality under the surface is screaming.

For you, an attack on a mosque is automatically an “American plot,” because you either can’t or don’t want to see the deep, long-accumulated rift between a repressive religious institution and a young, urban, largely secular society. This is a social reality, not an intelligence-agency script. Try, just once, to step outside your clichés.

If you know anything about journalism, do some reading before passing judgment. You don’t even know Persian well enough to read the Iranian state’s own data, yet you feel entitled to copy-paste the narratives of an authoritarian regime. The data exists. The research exists. The signs are obvious. Google it.

Iranian society is not some abstract idea limited to Pahlavi or Islamism. It is a country of 90 million people, with a vast range of different ways of thinking and cultures.

What do these same journalists, who in Europe and the United States claim to be concerned about the situation of migrants and refugees, have to say about the narrative of hundreds of Afghan migrants being recruited by Mossad? If Israel can penetrate another country to this extent, on every level, and expand its intelligence operations so deeply, then what exactly is left of “independence” and “sovereignty” that is supposedly being defended by brutally killing protesters in the streets? Don’t fall for the narratives of fascism.

Support the protests of the Iranian people and say no to foreign intervention as well. These two positions are not in conflict.

 

January 15, 2026

The human rights organization Hengaw has been able to document the identities of four children killed by the Islamic regime. Jabbar Panahi, Sina Ashkabousi, Abolfazl Yaghmouri, and Mohammad Nouri were killed during popular protests in the cities of Chenarshahijan (Qaemiyeh), Qom, Fardis, and Tehran after being directly shot with live ammunition by Islamic Republic security forces.

Hengaw has learned through conversations with the relatives of Erfan Soltani that his execution, which had previously been announced to his family for Wednesday, was not carried out and has been postponed.

Due to the ongoing internet shutdown and severe communication restrictions, real-time reporting on this case is not currently possible.

January 15, 2026

We should not fall for the false narratives of Islamic fascism. The images the regime broadcasts from Tehran do not represent Iranian society as a whole.

The regime can easily stage-manage scenes in Tehran, but not across the entire country. This video, shared by Kurdish activists, shows the funeral of Alireza Seydi, a 16-year-old teenager killed in the protests in the small town of Abdanan.

The crowd is not only indifferent to religious rituals; they send off their dead with applause and defiant chants. Shortly after, people chant that Khamenei is finished.

Forget the talk of foreign interference. The truth is right here. Iranian society, after experiencing such brutal killings, has entered a point of no return. The Islamic regime must fall.

January 15, 2026

Reuters according to three sources, who included a senior Iranian official and who all spoke on condition of anonymity, said Armed Kurdish separatist groups sought to cross the border into Iran from Iraq. Three sources familiar with the matter told Reuters, in a sign of foreign entities potentially seeking to take advantage of instability after days of crackdown on protests against Tehran.

This is false news as far as we know:

None of the Kurdish opposition organizations has carried out any military operations or actions during this period. The seven parties that issued the call for a general strike in Kurdistan not only made no moves along the borders but explicitly refrained from any armed action. In terms of on-the-ground reality and logistical capacity, the only force that could potentially have taken action is PJAK, and this is the key point: PJAK has not carried out any action either.

For that reason, the so-called “breaking news” now being circulated should be placed directly against the reports of the mass killing of civilians. In my view, the death toll could in fact be higher than what has been announced until now.

The purpose of the Reuters narrative, engineered by the Islamic Republic’s intelligence machine, is clear: to manufacture a security pretext that can justify large-scale military operations by Islamic fascism.

Support the protests of the Iranian people and say no to foreign intervention as well. These two positions are not in conflict.

To be clear: during this entire period, none of the Kurdish parties has carried out any action anywhere. Any claim to the contrary is not a report of facts, but part of a security scenario designed to divert public attention, normalize repression, and prepare the ground for escalating state violence.

January 14, 2026

Friday, January 9:

Images showing direct gunfire by Islamic regime forces toward protesters. The police are shouting, “go, go,” and then they shot.

No amount of anti-imperialist posturing or instrumentalization of Palestine’s just cause can hide what the Islamic Republic of Iran is:

  • Fascist toward Iranian citizens
  • Patriarchal toward women and queer communities
  • Predatory-oligarchic Capitalist toward workers
  • Colonial toward subaltern nations inside Iran
  • Imperial in the region

January 14, 2026

The head of Iran’s judiciary has once again stressed the need for the rapid trial and punishment of those arrested during the recent nationwide protests. According to Fars News Agency, which is affiliated with the IRGC, Ejei said after a “five-hour visit” to one of Tehran’s prisons, that some detainees would be tried “in public, with media coverage.”

He also instructed prosecutors to go after what he called “figures who incited the public,” adding: “Some individuals who stirred people up and caused damage, in addition to being punished, must also be held financially responsible for all material losses.”

At the same time, Justice Minister Amin Hossein Rahimi told domestic media that the protests on January 8 and 9 amounted to an “all-out internal war.” He warned: “Anyone who was arrested during this period is definitely guilty, simply because they were present, though the specific charges may differ.”

According to the human rights website HRANA, by the end of the 17th day of protests, the arrests of 18,434 people had been confirmed, and so far 97 cases of forced confessions have been broadcast on state television.

Following Ejei’s repeated emphasis on fast-track prosecutions, human rights organizations have warned about the risk of “summary,” staged trials that fall far short of fair trial standards, as well as a possible increase in death sentences on charges such as “enmity against God.”

During the 2019 protests and later in the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement, this approach was frequently accompanied by charges like moharebeh, corruption on earth, collusion, or acting against national security.

Take action now, support protesters.

January 14, 2026

This new video is from Thursday, January 8, on Kashani Boulevard toward Sadeghiyeh Square in Tehran.

Just look at the size of this crowd. These are people who came out fully aware of the risks—live bullets, arrest, even death. This presence is not random, not emotional, and not the result of some outside call. It is a conscious decision by people who feel they have nothing left to lose except humiliation and silence.

Anyone who reduces the anger and uprising of Iranians to “foreign interference” or to “Pahlavi” is either not stupid but knowingly lying, or is a racist who does not want Iranians to deserve freedom, dignity, and the right to decide their own future. Or worse, they are someone cheering from afar, treating the clash between East and West like a Colosseum spectacle—applauding a gladiator fight while real people’s lives, futures, and deaths mean nothing to them.

Our lives as Iranians cannot be reduced to this naive and stupid “East versus West” binary. We are not pieces on a geopolitical chessboard, and we are not tools for settling power struggles. The people of Iran are fighting for freedom—for reclaiming their crushed dignity, for the right to a normal life, for the ability to breathe without fear. This anger is the anger of a humiliated society that wants to take back its name, its voice, and its future.

 

January 14, 2026

The workers of Şık Makas, who have been on strike for more than 100 days in an organized struggle against exploitation, unfair wages, and employer-imposed working conditions, issued a statement on the 100th day of their strike. While marking their own resistance and achievements, they expressed direct support for Iranian workers and people who have been standing up for more than two weeks against poverty, repression, and state violence.

Part of the Şık Makas workers’ statement reads:

“We salute the people and working class of Iran, who for 17 days have been resisting poverty, repression, and a reactionary regime. The Iranian regime is committing crimes against working people and has shut down internet access to hide these crimes. Nevertheless, as Şık Makas workers, we will echo the voices of Iranian workers and support their struggle. Şık Makas workers will win, Iranian working people will win, the working class will win. We will win through unity.”

January 13, 2026

She was born in March 2009. Her name is Parnian, Ahmad’s daughter. In those same days, when we were running through the streets in June of that year for the Green Movement, she was in her mother’s arms, being breastfed. This is how raw and real the distance between generations is. This is exactly what the struggle for freedom looks like: a chain of lives bound together, not a single moment, not a lone hero.

Today, I have comrades who were guerrillas in the mountains of Kurdistan when I was born. They fought before us, at a heavy cost: exile, prison, death. Then came us. And then came Parnian. This is the history of struggle in our country: continuous, generational, stubborn, and unyielding. None of us started from zero, and none of us is the final link.

That is why there is no turning back. Not through threats, not through humiliation, not through poisonous narratives. Let anyone say whatever they want; we did not write our history with their permission, and we will not continue it with their approval. This path has been built with blood, hope, and the persistence of generations.

We will defeat fascism because we have learned how to endure. Because we know that freedom is an inheritance passed down from our marginalized mothers, from comrades in the mountains, and from children like Parnian, and it is our responsibility to pass it on, stronger and more intact, to the next generation.

Don’t forget: these images are only from Tehran. We have no information about what is happening in hundreds of other cities across Iran.

January 13, 2026

The fascist regime has massacred thousands of people.

The numbers are not precise, but given the scale of public participation, the footage of clashes, and the widespread use of live fire against protesters, the figures being reported are extremely high. Communication with Iran has been cut off, and everything we know comes either from the regime itself or from sources that cannot yet be independently verified.

These are videos showing security forces firing directly at civilians. The Islamic regime is lying. The evidence exists. The proof exists. The Islamic regime is lying. They are the terrorists. The fascist regime has carried out a massacre and is now lying about it.

They shot down a passenger plane over Tehran 6 years ago and lied to the world about it for three days. They lie.

Fascism is built on lies; lying is its backbone.

January 13, 2026

People like me have no responsibility for Pahlavi, and we owe nothing to his projects or his propaganda. We are not responsible for the warmongering of Trump and Netanyahu, and we are not soldiers of any geopolitical bloc.

We are real human beings—with bodies, with lives, with families, with fear and hope. We pay the price of politics with our own flesh and blood, not through safe analyses from university desks or TV studios. We have the right to want a life, not to be disposable pieces on other people’s geopolitical chessboards.

We do not want to be victims of a so-called “fight against the West” while at the same time being used as tools in a Western narrative of “saving us from dictatorship.” Freedom does not come from bombs, from sanctions, or from leaders imported from outside. If freedom is going to be real, it has to grow from within society and rest on the will of the people. That is exactly why people took to the streets. Anything else is just a shift in violence, not the end of it.

A Westerner will never refuse to take part in elections just because there is a political party they dislike. And even if they do, they are usually not the ones who pay the price first. We know this from lived experience, thousands of refugees and migrants in Greece since 2019.

Those who acted irresponsibly, who chose not to vote against a government they themselves call far-right or fascist, or who split votes among irrelevant groups, are often the very same people now trying to lecture Iranians like me—and analyzing Iran’s protests with lazy CIA labels.

Every form of democratic struggle has been taken away from us. Every form of social dialogue, civic activity, and cooperation has been stripped from our society. You cannot look at our world through your own geopolitical lens. You cannot repeat the regime’s authoritarian narrative every time it massacres people and then reassure yourself that “Western imperialism lost again.” That is racism.

No Westerner has the right to tell me which enemy I must condemn first to be heard, to tell me which war is “necessary,” or to decide which leader is the “realistic option” for me. No Westerner has that right. Solidarity means standing with people who are fighting for exactly what you want yourself: a dignified life—a life without war and sanctions.

My life is not a tool for managing other people’s geopolitical anxieties. If you want real solidarity, defend people’s right to make independent decisions—instead of hiding behind mainstream media scenarios and telling us how to live.

Defend the people of Iran against a theocratic regime, and at the same time condemn foreign interference and the geopolitical games of states.

 

January 12, 2026

What has happened in Iran over these past few days should be seen exactly like a military coup scenario, a coup against millions of people who are exhausted, worn down, and fed up with authoritarian rule. A coup carried out not with tanks in official squares, but with bullets in the streets and with the internet shut down. People who took to the streets to demand the most basic rights were brutally repressed under the banner of “fighting terrorism.”

There are still no final, fully verifiable figures, but reports from human rights organizations point to widespread killing, with some estimates speaking of thousands (about 12 thousand) killed and injured. This level of violence is essentially impossible for the ruling Islamic fascism to justify today without the label of “counter-terrorism”; that label is the backbone of repression.

Within this context, Pahlavi’s behavior needs to be analyzed more carefully and without simplification. His role has been neither that of a “democratic alternative” nor merely another opposition voice. In practice, he has functioned as a catalyst for the suppression of the uprising. His presence and interventions allowed the regime to reframe mass protests, from a legitimate, rights-based movement into a “security scenario” tied to foreign interference.

The people of Iran have the right to protest. They have the right to demand freedom and democracy. They have the right to independent unions, political parties, and freedom of expression. These are not radical or ideological demands; they are the most basic human rights. The constant and violent repression of society in the name of “confronting the West” has not only destroyed these rights but pushed the country to the edge of social collapse.

What is called “fighting the West” has, for years, become a code word for organized plunder, the looting of resources, and the silencing of every independent voice. This is neither defending the country nor resistance; it is the preservation of power at any cost, built on the ruins of millions of lives.

January 12, 2026

Today, more than ever, we need solidarity from progressive and pro-democracy currents. Moving beyond the Islamic regime is a legitimate right of the Iranian people, a right forged through years of repression, discrimination, poverty, and political exclusion.

But this must be said clearly: imposing a leader from above or relying on foreign intervention will not improve the situation; it can push it toward an even deeper disaster. Freedom is not built by proxy, and it is not built with bombs or sanctions.

All progressive political forces must stand unconditionally with the protests of the Iranian people and, at the same time, firmly condemn foreign intervention and war. Real solidarity means defending the collective will of the people, not taking it over. No to foreign intervention. No to war.

It doesn’t matter where you are or which country you live in. It doesn’t matter whether your political organization is large or small. Take to the streets and defend the rights of the Iranian people, because this struggle ultimately comes back to you as well. The war-driven and authoritarian policies of figures like Trump, Putin, and Netanyahu do not threaten only Iran; they are pushing our world toward destruction. This is not just about Iran. It is about all of us.

Defend the people of Iran against a theocratic regime, and at the same time condemn foreign interference and the geopolitical games of states. Take to the streets with red flags. Stand alongside Iranian democratic and secular forces. Turn your attention away from what authoritarian governments, from East to West, are telling you, and return to democracy, human rights, and human dignity. Say no to war.

Do not wait for Iranians to organize everything on their own. Take to the streets. This is not just a political position; it is a matter of humanity.

January 12, 2026

As expected, the fascist regime staged its own street spectacle in a few cities. But, we should not fall captive to this dirty stage-managing. History is full of brutal dictators who have again and again managed to put on shows of mass mobilization, mobilizations that are neither proof of legitimacy nor signs of real consent.

From twentieth-century fascism to today’s authoritarianism, lining up crowds has always been one of power’s classic tools. Trump, with more than 76 million votes, did not become a democrat; he used the legitimacy of those votes to normalize violence, lies, and exclusion. Numbers, crowds, and images do not create virtue on their own. So no, let’s not get trapped in this filthy spectacle, the very one that Islamic fascism has been skillfully performing in Iran for four decades.

The issue is how that crowd is produced, and through what mechanisms. At the core of this performance is turning people against one another: constant polarization, constant threats, and the construction of an enemy that swallows every real protest. The model of fascist mass mobilization in Iran is clear: coercion. Forcing public-sector employees into the streets, the organized mobilization of regime-linked institutions, administrative cases and intimidation. This coercion has been going on for years, and by itself it produces a large crowd. Alongside it comes ideological supporters and parts of the “grey” public—people who are sensitive to foreign intervention or afraid of instability. These are realities and denying them helps no one.

But the real question lies elsewhere, and it is deliberately pushed aside. Why do people facing deep economic, political, and social crises have no safe or legal way to pursue their demands? Why does independent organizing come with the price of prison? Why is political party activity treated as a crime? Why are freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, and the right to protest effectively absent? Why is it that every time a worker, a teacher, a woman, a student, or a poor person protests, the label of “foreign interference” is immediately ready to justify violent repression?

This whole spectacle exists precisely to escape these questions—to erase the problem itself, and to turn a real crisis of governance into a security show. Fascism always works this way: it creates the crisis, then uses that same crisis as an excuse for repression. If we fall for this performance, we accept a world where people are either “obedient” or “foreign agents,” with no space left for a conscious, independent, protesting citizen.

So no, let’s not be trapped by this fascist staging. Let’s flip the picture around. The issue is not “mobilized crowds,” but people who have been deliberately stripped of their most basic political rights. The issue is not a controlled street, but a street that erupts because every other path has been blocked. Everything else is a distraction, and fascism feeds precisely on these distractions.

Still, the real picture of Iranian society is this: people who took to the streets in the dark, under the threat of live gunfire, arrest, torture, and execution. That is the truth, not the lie they are manufacturing in broad daylight for the world.

January 12, 2026

The Islamic fascism ruling in #Tehran has massacred thousands of people in the streets and is now falsifying responsibility for this large-scale killing by blaming the very protesters themselves. Hundreds of thousands of people came out peacefully in dozens of Iranian cities to protest the current situation, and then overnight everything was blamed on U.S. and Israeli interference. They could not have sold this savage and filthy lie without the presence of Pahlavi.

Let’s look at everything again.

The U.S. National Security Strategy document explicitly states that previous U.S. policies of “pressuring for democracy, human rights, and regime change” in the Middle East were a mistake. From now on, countries in the region are to be accepted “as they are,” not as the West would like them to be.

The document also makes clear that the Middle East is no longer the “center of gravity” of U.S. security policy. This does not mean the region is unimportant; it means Washington no longer intends to pay a permanent strategic cost for it. In other words, at the strategic level, democracy, human rights, and even the nature of political systems in countries like Iran are no longer top U.S. priorities.

We are facing a horrific massacre in #Iran, one whose real scale will not be exposed until the internet and communication channels are restored. We are likely dealing with mass killing on a scale comparable to what has happened in Gaza. Islamic fascism in Iran has launched a massacre.

This footage from Kahrizak is from Saturday, January 10. Published by media activists.

 

January 11, 2026

Video showing the brutal massacre of dozens of people by Islamic fascism in Tehran. Iran Human Rights says it has so far verified the identities of 192 victims. These videos are from the bodies of those killed on Thursday, at the Kahrizak forensic center in Tehran. Someone who has just managed to leave Iran brought them out. They bring the bodies in pickup trucks. They tell families to look through them and find their own dead.
 
Watch these videos and see what fascism is doing in Iran.
This is fascism.
This is fascism.
This is fascism.
 

January 11, 2026

The protests are continuing with large numbers of people on the streets. For more than 60 hours now, the internet and almost all communication channels with Iran have been cut. The few videos that activists manage to publish from some cities do not really show the full scale of what is happening. There are reports describing the massacre of protesters in the streets. Regime officials claim on state media that the situation is “under control,” but the ongoing internet shutdown clearly contradicts that narrative.
 
At the same time, Western media are flooded with different stories about Iran. It is hardly surprising that we are once again seeing a wave of racist and deeply stupid analyses that serve the far right and erase the agency of the Iranian people. This is not the first time, and it will not be the last. The West seems incapable of looking at countries like Iran without a racist lens.
 
Still, let’s talk about which forces actually have a chance at power in Iran.
 
The Mojahedin (MEK), despite all their international networks and even direct support from some US politicians, have a structural problem: they are religious. A society that burns hijabs, knocks turbans off clerics’ heads, and has risen up against political Islam is very unlikely to accept an alternative built around religious symbols. Even if the Mojahedin have behaved with less open aggression toward their critics than the monarchists, their social chances of taking power are close to zero. The real question about them is not “taking power,” but what happens to them if other alternatives take power.
 
The regime’s reformists? Their only real chance lies in crushing the revolution. If they manage to calm the streets and sacrifice a few figures to strike a deal with the West, they might survive for a while. But they have no real support in society. Three years after the Woman, Life, Freedom uprising, they proved that even at the height of crisis they lack the will to change anything. A so-called “Second Republic” without a coup and without removing the very top of the power structure is more of a bitter joke than a serious political project.
 
Reza Pahlavi, realistically, has a better chance than the other two to take power, but not to keep it. His plan for the first 100 days is already built around repression: martial law, eliminating opponents, threatening national and minority movements, and ignoring political pluralism. In today’s diverse Iranian society, this path smells more like civil war than stability. Personal authoritarianism, the fantasy of “superior bloodlines,” and zero tolerance for criticism are the real Achilles’ heel of monarchism. A society that has risen up against lifetime rule will not accept a new version of it.
 
And then there is the fourth factor: The people, the progressive and left movements. The left has been brutally repressed at the organizational level, and many of its social roots have been cut. The Iranian left in exile has also failed so far to organize itself effectively. But the left still has deep social roots inside Iran, and society is very much alive: the women’s movement, the labor movement, the movement against executions, students, and political prisoners. These forces are currently standing in the doorway, blocking the return of a new form of authoritarianism. Without their pressure, all existing alternatives would drift even further to the right and become more reactionary.
Power can be taken through a coup or with foreign backing. But without society, it cannot be held. That is a reality no scenario can escape.
 
A genuinely progressive, anti-war movement today must take to the streets across the world: to defend the protests of the Iranian people and to oppose any form of foreign intervention or war.
 

January 11, 2026

Yesterday, Iranian leftist and progressive groups took to the streets in Berlin and Stockholm in support of the protests in Iran. There were no monarchy flags and not a single slogan in favor of Pahlavi. It was a clear, grassroots presence, from below, standing for freedom, equality, and the right to protest. Yet these demonstrations were almost completely censored.
 
The dominant media image, both in Persian-language outlets abroad and in international media, tells a different story: the systematic erasure of progressive voices and the promotion of a fabricated narrative in which Pahlavi is presented as the “leader” of the protests. This distortion isn’t accidental; it’s a project.
 
At a moment when Iran is under severe censorship, the internet is shut down, and people’s voices are deliberately silenced, that very silence is being used as an opportunity to impose a top-down narrative. From outside the country, with open access to platforms and microphones, they push their own story—one that has no connection to what’s actually happening on the ground, to people’s demands, or to the real forces involved.
 
We stand against this level of lying, erasure, and fabrication. They can’t censor the truth forever, even if they shut down the internet and try to rewrite history from the outside.
 

January 10, 2026

On the 14th day of nationwide protests, people across multiple cities have taken to the streets, continuing to chant against the ruling regime.
 
At the same time, authorities have shut down the internet, seeking to carry out repression and killings in silence. The few videos that reach the outside world are being sent through Starlink connections to some media activists.
 
The regime has cut street lighting in many cities to control the protests.
—-
This is the same institution they call the “Islamic Consultative Assembly”—an institution that, in practice, is nothing more than an obedient Islamic stable. The scene is absurd but revealing: MPs with clenched fists chant against the US and Israel, while just minutes earlier the speaker of parliament, in a patronizing tone, promised that the government would deposit money for chicken and meat into people’s accounts. This contradiction isn’t accidental; it’s exactly how they govern.
 
A government that can’t meet even the most basic living needs has reduced politics to a mix of humiliation and threats. On the one hand, it labels protesting citizens as “terrorists.” On the other, it addresses the very same people—whom it has denied the right to organize, form parties, and speak freely for years—with handouts of chicken and meat. This is neither social policy nor crisis management. It’s a naked insult to a society that has taken to the streets because it has nothing left to lose.
 
And right after this humiliation comes the war rhetoric. People crushed by inflation, poverty, and repression are then expected to pay the price for an adventurist foreign policy that has nothing to do with their interests. The pattern is clear: impoverishment at home, heroics abroad; repression in the streets, slogans in parliament. Such an order has neither legitimacy nor a future. It’s the classic posture of a desperate power that shouts instead of answering.
 
 
 

January 10, 2026

Iran Labor Confederation – Abroad / کنفدراسیون کار ایران – خارج از کشور has issued an urgent appeal to trade unions worldwide, warning that a nationwide communications shutdown could pave the way for a wider, hidden crackdown on ongoing protests in Iran.
In a letter addressed to international labor federations and unions, the group said workers, teachers, nurses and retirees are playing a prominent role in the demonstrations, and argued that the state response amounts to a direct assault on the labor movement as well as broader civil rights.
 
The confederation claimed authorities have sharply restricted or cut internet access nationwide since the night of 8 January, citing internet monitoring groups such as NetBlocks. It said the blackout is being used to obstruct independent reporting and conceal repression, drawing a parallel with the November 2019 protests, when the government imposed an internet shutdown amid a deadly crackdown.
 
Citing “human rights organizations,” the letter said at least 51 protesters had been killed by 9 January and that hundreds were injured and thousands arrested, while acknowledging that verified figures are difficult to confirm under restrictions on information.
 
The confederation called on unions to publicly condemn the killings, arrests and internet shutdown, pressure their governments to pursue diplomatic measures to halt repression, support access to a “free internet,” and pursue action through international bodies including the International Labour Organization (ILO).
 

January 10, 2026

Many people have been asking what the difference is between the current wave of protests and the “Woman, Life, Freedom” uprising.
 
Now it’s clear that what defines this phase, especially over the past 48 hours, is the continuation of the hijab burnings of 2022. The mass attacks on religious sites, the burning of Qurans, shrines, and mosques are signs of popular rage against the ruling order. The Islamic regime is selectively broadcasting news through state TV and some social media platforms, while the internet is cut, and we don’t have a clear picture of what’s happening on the ground. Still, some important things are visible.
 
The interrogators and torturers who pose as journalists on state TV seem to think that by airing videos of young people attacking mosques and religious centers, they can stir emotions among their own ranks. But the state itself has previously admitted through its own surveys that Iranian society has become deeply non-religious and is moving toward secularism. Mass anger against the mosque and the cleric is more visible than ever. This is an anti-theocratic uprising, and it won’t stop at Iran’s borders. It will fuel a massive popular movement across West Asia against theocracy, a huge intellectual renaissance. That’s what I’m telling you is something that even Israel won’t be happy about.
 
A few nights ago, when people attacked IRGC-linked stores, they didn’t loot, even though they are living in poverty. But now they have burned shrines, Qurans, and clerical pulpits in the flames of their anger. Let the Islamic regime label Iran’s youth as terrorists, anti-Islam, or rioters. Out of intense repression and theocratic despotism, that great truth, that extraordinary phenomenon, that anti-theocratic revolution of our time, has begun to reveal itself.
 
Another point is the attacks on state institutions that order repression, like police departments and municipalities, alongside banks. Neither the Shah nor the clerics want these things destroyed. Pahlavi’s dreams of returning to power through the US backing, with his allies talking about pouring billions of dollars into Iran. And now this hollow prince, claiming leadership of a revolution, has to watch as people also target centers of capital.
 
Pahlavi dropped the slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom” to push women out of the leadership of these protests, to erase women’s central role in the revolution against the Islamic regime. Now that this revolution is showing its anti-authoritarian and anti-theocratic character through the continuation of hijab burning and turban throwing from 2022, all religious and monarchist currents have come together in a pro-theocracy consensus, dismissing the people’s brave actions as regime propaganda.
 
Those 48 hours of an internet blackout hurt the people. Their voices were cut off. But it’s also clear that when people were left to themselves, they did what no reactionary force ordered or guided: they continued hijab burning. We welcome and defend the anti-theocratic drive of the Iranian people, the clear, unmistakable stamp of this revolution.
 
 

January 10, 2026

Statement by the Syndicate of Workers of the Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company
 
Public protests and strikes in cities across the country have now entered their eleventh day. Despite an intensified security atmosphere, the heavy presence of police and security forces, and violent crackdowns, the scope of the protests remains broad and diverse. According to reports, at least 174 locations in 60 cities across 25 provinces have witnessed demonstrations during this period, and hundreds of protesters have been arrested. Tragically, at least 35 protesting citizens, including children, have lost their lives.
 
From January 2018 to November 2019 and September 2022, Iran’s oppressed people have repeatedly shown—by taking to the streets—that they will not tolerate the ruling political-economic order and the structures built on exploitation and inequality. These movements have not been about returning to the past. They have formed to build a future free from the domination of capital—one grounded in freedom, equality, social justice, and human dignity.
 
While declaring our solidarity with people’s struggles against poverty, unemployment, discrimination, and repression, we state clearly our opposition to any return to a past defined by inequality, corruption, and injustice.
 
We believe genuine liberation is only possible through the conscious, organized leadership and participation of the working class and the oppressed—not through reproducing old and authoritarian forms of power. In this struggle, workers, teachers, retirees, nurses, students, women, and especially young people—despite widespread repression, arrests, dismissals, and worsening living conditions—remain on the front lines.
 
The Syndicate of Workers of the Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company stresses the necessity of continuing independent, conscious, and organized protests.
 
We have said it many times, and we repeat it again: the road to liberation for workers and working people does not run through manufactured “leaders” imposed from above, reliance on foreign powers, or factions within the ruling establishment. It runs through unity, solidarity, and building independent organizations in workplaces and communities, and at the national level. We must not allow ourselves to once again become victims of power games and the interests of the ruling classes.
 
The syndicate also strongly condemns any propaganda, justification, or support for military intervention by foreign governments, including the United States and Israel. Such interventions not only lead to the destruction of civil society and the killing of people, they also hand the authorities yet another pretext to continue violence and repression. Past experience has shown that Western hegemonic states place no value on the freedom, livelihoods, or rights of the Iranian people.
 
We demand the immediate and unconditional release of all detainees, and we stress the necessity of identifying and prosecuting those who ordered and carried out the killing of people.
 
Long live freedom, equality, and class solidarity.
 
The answer for working people is unity and organization.
 
Syndicate of Workers of the Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company
7 January 2026
 

January 9, 2026

 
The Islamic Republic has cut off the internet for people in Iran and blocked every channel of communication, hoping it can “manage” what’s happening inside the country and silence it.
 
Meanwhile, Pahlavi is operating as a catalyst for a top-down, exile-based power project, and he also has the backing of the US.
 
Kurdistan and Azerbaijan will not accept Pahlavi’s rule. We can easily add Baluchistan and Khuzestan to that list as well. As various statements from labor groups, teachers, nurses, and women make clear, Iran’s civil society from below is not going to align with Pahlavi.
 
At the same time, the only thing Pahlavi really plays up is rebuilding ties with the West, lifting sanctions, and improving the economy. But Iran’s social reality is multi-layered, and the democratic rights people have been fighting for over decades are not going to be pushed aside.
 
For all republican Iranians (secular democrats), the issue comes down to one simple question: Will they build their own council to confront Pahlavi’s power-hungry agenda? The overthrow of the Islamic Republic is inevitable.
 
The fact that the Islamic regime has destroyed every democratic space for organizing, party-building, and free expression, combined with Pahlavi’s media dominance abroad, is one of the major constraints facing Iran’s republicans.
 
The republic matters, and it must be defended.
 
Image: Elon Musk’s company has changed the official Iranian flag emojis into the monarchy flag.
 
 

January 9, 2026

 
Iran’s Supreme National Security Council issued an official order, branding Friday night as a “Yomollah” (a “Day of God”) and openly giving the green light for an armed assault on demonstrations and protesters. At the same time, the internet is completely cut off across the country, an action that has severely disrupted access to news and information about what is happening in different cities, and has even made domestic Iranian websites inaccessible from outside Iran.
 
At the same time, Tehran’s prosecutor claimed that the enemy’s mercenaries are killing people who take part in the gatherings, and said people should stay home. He stressed: “Don’t join the protests so you don’t get killed by mercenaries. They want to stage killings.”
 
The protests, which continued from last night with larger crowds and in more cities, were met with a coordinated response from the state’s security, judicial, and media institutions. Alongside the Khamenei’s remarks, the judiciary and the Supreme National Security Council issued separate statements saying that the security forces have been tasked with a harsh crackdown on the protests. Under the council’s decision, forces have been mobilized from Friday evening in mosques across Tehran and the rest of the country to attack any gatherings and opposition.
 
At the same time, the regime’s media machine has gone fully into motion. In state media—including IRIB and a Channel 3 program called “Be Ezaafeh Yek” (“Plus One”)—security agents introduced as “political analysts” have openly promoted a broader mobilization of pro-regime, Hezbollah-aligned forces and supporters. By comparing the last 12 days of protests to the events of 30 Khordad, they are trying to boost the morale of regime forces while intimidating protesters and their families.
 
On state television, shooting protesters is being justified by referring to the Minneapolis incident in the United States. At the same time, by invoking the “12-day war,” the protests are being tied to supposed military scenarios involving Israel and the US—an attempt to create the conditions for treating citizens as if they were enemy combatants.
 
While protesters are voicing their demands with anti-dictatorship slogans, the authorities, instead of offering any political or social response, have chosen to securitize the situation and use force—aiming weapons at the people.
 
 

January 9, 2026

Don’t put much weight on analyses claiming people took to the streets last night in #Iran “because of Pahlavi’s call.” This was the twelfth night of protests, an accumulated social wave, not a PR event.
 
#Kurdistan and #Baluchistan came out through their own networks and calls, with their own political language, their own history of struggle, and the costs they’ve been paying for years. Big cities have also become more radical for a different reason: the collapse of the currency, inflation, unemployment, and the erosion of wages are what drive people into the streets, not a video message from abroad.
 
And yet, right in the middle of all this, Pahlavi steps into the frame like a “cotton hero,” and international media eagerly send this hollow figure up like a kite. No, Pahlavi is not a leader. A leader is someone who is in touch with people, understands the pulse of the streets, pays a price, takes responsibility, and most importantly knows the truth on the ground.
For more than 12 hours, Iran’s internet has been cut, and communications have been disrupted. From the outside, we have almost no reliable facts or a clear picture of what’s happening inside.
 
We don’t know what happened in the cities that were in heavy conflict last night. We don’t know what has happened to those thousands in the streets. We don’t know where people are still holding ground and where repression has intensified. We don’t know, and Pahlavi doesn’t know either.
 
So how can anyone call someone a “leader” when they don’t even know what is happening in real time inside the country?
 
This communications blackout is proof in itself. Any observer can grasp the scale of authoritarian rule just by looking at this imposed darkness. How do you plunge a country of 90 million into near-total silence, and then label protesters “foreign agents” to make their killing seem normal? That’s the classic machinery of legitimizing violence: first, you cut people off from voice, images, and independent narratives, then you strip them of their humanity.
 
In these conditions, the absence of independent unions, rooted political parties, and a free press isn’t just a “weakness”, it’s a governing strategy. And it’s exactly this vacuum that allows an exile figure, leaning on foreign backing and guidance, to hijack people’s legitimate protests and frame them for his own project and regional geopolitical agendas.
 
People in Iran have come out for bread, dignity, and freedom, not to restore a monarchy, not to feed a media storyline, and not to turn their suffering into a launchpad for someone else’s political brand.
 
 

January 9, 2026

 
From what Khamenei said this morning and what Trump said, the only conclusion is that the Islamic regime, by effectively welcoming foreign interference, has paved the way for even harsher repression. After a night when Iran saw the largest street turnout on the twelfth night of this new wave of protests, Khamenei declared: “The Islamic Republic will not back down.”
 
He called the protesters “a bunch of vandals, rioters, and people harmful to the country,” and claimed that on Thursday night they damaged buildings “to please the president of the United States.” He insisted that “the Islamic Republic will not back down in the face of those who destroy.”
 
Branding dissenters as “foreign agents” isn’t new in Iran’s modern history, and Khamenei’s authoritarian doctrine has long relied on that logic. But the scale of these accusations is unprecedented. Until a few weeks ago, the “foreign agent” label was mainly a security charge used to jail people. Today, Khamenei is openly turning anyone who opposes him or the Islamic regime, whatever their reason, into an “external element,” as if killing them could be treated as normal.
 
Pahlavi was a perfect catalyst for the Islamic regime to build exactly this kind of narrative. He isn’t pursuing freedom or democracy.
 
With the internet shut down, we don’t have hard facts or visuals of what has happened on the ground, so we have to be extremely careful and rely only on analysis. Whatever the authorities have done to people, one thing is certain: the blows the public dealt to the state last night are impossible to ignore. It’s possible that in some places the streets are still in people’s hands, and that the struggle over overthrow has entered its second day. Either way, today the movement is moving beyond the phase of “street demonstrations.”
 
If people only demonstrate today, that means they’ve been pushed back into defense. If they don’t go on the offensive, the uprising will be forced to retreat in the blood of those who started it. This has moved past protests. And if the internet remains cut off today, it means it isn’t over. People have entered an offensive phase.
 
 

January 8, 2026

Right now, Iran experiencing nationwide internet blackout, and the videos being circulated were all uploaded within an hour ago.
The footage shows intense clashes in Tehran, Shiraz, and Mashhad. Dozens of cities across Iran are seeing severe confrontations between police and IRGC forces and the public.
—-
According to a video received by the Hengaw human rights organization, the Islamic regime’s security forces opened fire on protesters in a neighborhood of Kermanshah, turning the demonstrations violent. In the video, the narrator says two people were killed.
 
Earlier reports had said the IRGC attacked the protest crowd with semi-heavy weapons.
 
Kurdistan experiencing internet blackout.
—-
More than 12 hours after a major internet blackout began in #Iran, the latest reports say the nationwide disruption is still fully in place across the country.
 
International internet monitoring groups such as NetBlocks say Iranian users’ access to the global internet has been almost completely cut off, and so far there are no signs of a broad return of service.
 

January 7, 2026

On the 12th day of nationwide protests, people in many Iranian cities took to the streets again. As expected, cities across #Kurdistan held demonstrations with progressive, anti-fascist slogans.
 
184 Iranian filmmakers issued a joint statement supporting the public protests and condemning the crackdown on demonstrators. Emphasizing the natural right to protest, the signatories said there is no justification for firing on protesters and called it a clear violation of the right to life.
 
The Iranian Writers Association also issued a statement, warning against a repeat of the bloody repression patterns of past decades, including the November 2019 killings and the 2022 uprising, and declaring its firm support for people’s right to protest.
 
Criticizing the approach of mainstream media, the association emphasized that “freedom does not come down from above through the bombs and missiles of predatory powers.” It argued that freedom can only be achieved through the independent will of a people seeking structural change and the rejection of both domestic and foreign exploitation.
 
 

January 7, 2026

Iran has more than 1,450 cities. U.S. sanctions have definitely affected the economy. That’s a fact. But anyone who thinks that, in a country of nearly 90 million people—around 23 million of them under 35—people were just sitting around waiting to see what some “foreign power” would decide about their lives, and then suddenly remembered they should protest, is either being racist or being stupid.
 
No one puts their life on the line like this just because they saw an Instagram clip or because some TV channel said something. People take to the streets when real pressure reaches a breaking point: when the table gets emptier, the future gets blocked, dignity gets crushed, and every legal path to reform or making demands runs into repression or a dead end. This isn’t a “propaganda” crisis. It’s a combined crisis of political authoritarianism, structural corruption, economic erosion, systemic discrimination, and the deliberate blocking of organizing from below.
 
Explaining everything through sanctions is basically erasing the main driver from the picture: a system of rule that intentionally wants society to be voiceless, and a political economy that profits from that voicelessness. Sanctions can intensify the pressure, sure—but the engine of the crisis is somewhere else. People don’t rise up because of “one piece of news” or “a wave.” They rise up against an everyday order that has kept life suspended for years.
 
 

January 7, 2026

When we talk about Iran, we need to be much more careful with comments, trends, and what gets presented as “public opinion.”
 
Iran isn’t just a country under an authoritarian regime; it’s a diverse society where three basic pillars of bottom-up politics are actively suppressed: freedom of association, freedom to form parties, and freedom of expression.
 
When those three pillars don’t exist, the things that form naturally in more open countries, such as independent organizing, political collectives, unions, stable networks of trust, diverse media, credible polling institutions, and a shared public memory, either get destroyed or are pushed underground in Iran. So what happens?
The “monitoring of public opinion,” and the claim to represent it, becomes structurally concentrated in the hands of the state and the security apparatus.
 
That doesn’t mean people don’t think. It means the chain of turning ideas into organization, organization into demands, and demands into sustained political force keeps getting cut.
 
This is where the bitter point matters: in Iran, only the state has been able to build a collective memory for itself, from schools and textbooks to state TV, sermons, official rituals, calendars of “approved” events, and permitted narratives.
 
When there’s no independent archive, no lasting media, no rooted unions and parties, and no legal civil organizations, society is forced to keep its own history in fragments, oral, in exile, or inside fragile networks that are easy to infiltrate. In other words, social memory is constantly at risk of being erased, manipulated, intimidated, or outright fabricated.
 
Now compare that with freer contexts. In Europe or North America, even with diverse media, legal parties, unions, independent universities, and oversight bodies, propaganda and misinformation have still managed to distort public opinion, fuel polarization, influence elections through perception management, and even break down a shared sense of reality.
 
How did that happen? Through a mix of three things: money and platforms, algorithms and attention, and the politics of fear. Meaning: even where fact-checking tools exist, the machinery of distortion can still work.
 
The point isn’t that “imperialism has come to Iran to impose its narrative.” Imperialism doesn’t really care how people live in Iran as long as the ruling regime aligns with its interests. The point is that Iranian society lost much of its agency long ago, and now it’s stuck in a vise: domestic authoritarianism on one side, external pressure on the other.
 
A realistic horizon doesn’t emerge by waiting for a “big moment” or the “right leader,” and it doesn’t come from abstract prescriptions about democracy. The starting point is reclaiming the possibility of organizing, even in minimal, fragile, unfinished forms. That reclaiming is the precondition for any emancipatory transition, not its final outcome.
 
In today’s conditions, political action has to move through constraints. That means connecting a long-term horizon to concrete steps: small but durable networks; linking protest to specific everyday demands and social rights (from children’s and women’s rights to labor, the environment, and the right to the city); and building accountability loops between activists and wider social bases. These aren’t replacements for parties or unions, but they can be the seeds of them.
 
That’s also why we see the state increasingly trying not to rely only on “classic” repression. Instead, it turns to manufacturing substitute narratives: pretending it accepts the existence of protests, while reframing them as an unavoidable “security crisis.” At the same time, it keeps using yellow, fake institutions as tools.
 
This mechanism does two things at once: it keeps choking real organizing, and it creates the illusion that state institutions capable of responding still exist, if only they were made more “law-abiding.”
This is precisely the moment when society tries to replace the state’s constant, all-round control with its own agency.
 

January 7, 2026

The protests are continuing to spread, reaching cities across the country, from the southern city of Bandar Abbas, to central #Iran in Kerman, to the east in Bojnord, and to the west in Kermanshah and Tabriz.
 
Reports from Kermanshah say that police violence and live fire against protesters have left dozens of people injured.
 
What we are seeing is not a local or isolated reaction. It is a nationwide wave of anger and resistance, cutting across regions and cities, driven by the same demand for dignity, justice, and an end to repression. Silence will not stop this. Violence will not erase it.
 
 

January 6, 2026

Seven Kurdish opposition parties announced a call for a nationwide strike to condemn the killing of civilians in Ilam, Kermanshah, and Lorestan, all Kurdish-populated regions.

In a joint statement, they described the January 2026 protests across Iran as a clear, loud, and collective “no” to the Islamic Republic as a whole. According to the statement, these protests are about taking back basic rights and freedoms, restoring human dignity, and putting an end to long-standing policies of denial, marginalization, killing, terror, and national and cultural repression.
 
The statement also refers to what happened during the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement, saying that during the Jina uprising, the Islamic Republic faced its deepest crisis of legitimacy, both inside Iran and internationally. The protests were met with brutal repression, and in the process, major crimes were committed in plain sight.
 
The Kurdish parties have called on shopkeepers, traders, and civil society across Iran to take part in a general strike on Thursday, January 8, 2026, as a show of solidarity with people in Kermanshah, Ilam, and Lorestan, and in support of the ongoing nationwide protests.
 
 

January 6, 2026

While protesters were transferring the wounded to Sina Hospital in Tehran, they were reportedly chased by police forces. Police fired tear gas inside the hospital. Reports also suggest that gunfire was heard around the hospital area.
This is the second attack on a hospital. Earlier, a news agency linked to the IRGC, to justify the attack on a hospital in the Kurdish city of Ilam, claimed that protesters had used the hospital as a stronghold.
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Protests at Tehran’s Grand Bazaar continued today, with the police attacking and using tear gas.
 
The national currency’s slide worsened even beyond the first days of the unrest.
 
On the day the protests began, the dollar was trading at 139,000 tomans. It has now climbed past 147,000 tomans.
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On the tenth day of widespread anti-regime protests in Iran, large crowds of people in Abdanan, in Ilam province, took to the streets, calling for an end to the rule of the Islamic regime over the country.
 
After IRGC forces opened fire on a group of protesters in the small town of Malekshahi, several people were killed, further fueling public anger against the Islamic regime.
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More videos have emerged from the city of Abdanan showing people attacking a store owned by the IRGC’s armed forces.
 
In these videos, even though rice is expensive on the market right now, protesters do not loot it; instead, they pour it onto the ground. It is a stark image of what the protests in Iran are really about: dignity.
 
If ordinary people cannot afford basic food, why should the military forces of the IRGC be able to?
 

January 5, 2026

We are standing at one of the most decisive moments in our contemporary history. What is unfolding today in the streets, in strikes, and in nationwide protests is a continuation of the 1401 uprising—an uprising that began with the slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom” and tore the veil off institutionalized discrimination, systematic humiliation, naked repression, and structural poverty. That uprising made one thing unmistakably clear: society is no longer willing to keep living an imposed life under this unjust order.

The frontline of compulsory hijab has been broken, and we declared openly that we will not tolerate sex and gender apartheid. We declared that we despise superstition and that we will not bargain away human dignity. And when the regime answered us with bullets, prison, and executions, we stood our ground. With the cry of unity—against poverty and corruption—we said we will not step back until our unfinished revolution is won.

Today, loyal to that vow, we have come into the streets and we chant: Freedom, freedom, freedom.

Today we are here not only for bread, but for life; not only for survival, but for dignity, human worth, and a humane future.

Runaway inflation has crushed the majority. Wages and pensions that sit far below the poverty line and the basic cost of living, predatory privatization, rent-seeking and corruption, the rise of multiple mafias, repression, prison and executions, and warmongering policies have pushed people’s lives to the edge of collapse. Society has reached a boiling point, and the nationwide protests are the direct reflection of this crisis.

Merchants and shopkeepers—often the “thermometer” of a collapsing economy—have entered the arena through strike action.

Today’s protest is a protest against a parasitic billionaire class that has dragged people’s lives into ruin. The issue is not just the sky-high dollar rate or rising prices; the issue is the entire structure that tramples our human dignity every single day. That is why everyone—from Gen Z to retirees who shout every day, “Livelihood, dignity, our undeniable right”—has been driven into the streets.

Today we—workers, teachers, nurses, retirees, students, women, and all oppressed people—come out city by city, and raise the cry for freedom and equality.

How long poverty? How long slavery? How long captivity in the grip of contractors and the water, electricity, and healthcare mafias—networks that grow fatter every day through their ties to power blocs, while people’s lives are destroyed more and more?

How long prison, execution, compulsory hijab decrees, and patrols of repression?

We have no quarrel with the people of the world. We do not need nuclear enrichment or proxy forces. These policies are what have broken people’s backs.

We, the organizations and signatories of this statement, consider ourselves an inseparable part of this nationwide uprising. In one voice with the slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom,” we declare our full support and solidarity with the ongoing struggles of the people for freedom, welfare, justice, and human dignity—and we emphasize the following:
We stand united and firmly against state repression and killing, and we stand with the families of those who have been slain as they seek justice. Protest is our right. We will fight with all our strength for the freedom of everyone arrested in the popular protests and for all political prisoners, and we demand an “Iran without executions.”

In support of nationwide strikes, together with our families we will take gatherings into the city centers and make the ranks of street protest stronger and more powerful.
Against attempts to divide us, we will unite our ranks with the slogans “Unity, unity,” “Against poverty and corruption,” and “Death to the dictator.” And in one voice with the people of Zahedan we will shout: Now is the time for unity, now is the time for revolution.

A 700,000-toman subsidy is not an answer to the poverty imposed by wages that are repeatedly far below the cost-of-living basket. Do not talk to us about an “empty treasury.” The astronomical budgets of the forces of repression, proxy forces, and ineffective religious institutions must be cut. The billions in wealth held by ayatollahs, the privileged children of officials, and regime networks must be returned to the people—so it can be spent on people’s lives and on reducing the costs of bread, gasoline, and more.

We do not need any form of leadership, and we emphasize once again: our demand is to end a century of exploitation and despotism, and to build a society where a plundering minority does not decide people’s fate from above their heads.

The decisive continuation of protests, the expansion of strikes, vigilance, and unity are the guarantees of our advance and the realization of our suppressed dreams. We will continue the path we have chosen with strength—and through our unity and solidarity, we will bring this slavery, poverty, humiliation, and inequality to an end.

Signatories:

1- Retirees’ Unity
2- Kermanshah Electricity & Metal Association
3- Don’t Execute
4- Justice Seekers (Families Seeking Justice)
5- Organizing Council of Contract Oil Workers’ Protests
6- Organizing Council of Non-Official Oil Workers (Third-Party/Arkan-e Sales)
7- Coordinating Council of Nurses’ Protests
8- Voice of Iranian Women

Note: Most of the organizations named above are not officially recognized by the state and are treated as illegal. Many of their members have faced police pressure, and some are currently detained or under arrest.

January 5, 2026

People in the city of Yasuj have gathered outside the governor’s office, demanding the release of those arrested over the past few days. They’re chanting strong, hard-hitting slogans that show just how deep the break is between the state and ordinary people:

“Their kids are in Canada, our kids are in prison.”

That line points straight at a system of organized corruption, where dozens of officials live a luxury lifestyle, while people pay the price of sanctions and corruption.

At the same time, the head of the judiciary, ignoring the spread of the protests, announced that there would be no leniency for detained protesters, and that final verdicts in their cases should be issued as quickly as possible.

January 5, 2026

If there really were a serious anti-war movement in the West, one that ties being anti-war to class politics and anti-racism, not to moral posturing and media spectacle, this would be its moment of truth.

This would be the best time to step in without hesitation, confront U.S. intervention head-on, and jam the war machine in the streets, in unions, and on campuses. And at the same time, it would stand with the people of Iran and their protests, not from above, not treating them as “material” for geopolitical debates, but as a real force fighting for freedom and a livable life under repression and economic collapse.

A real anti-war movement starts where “anti-imperialism” becomes concrete action: cutting political and media backing for war, exposing and disrupting weapons networks, pressuring the state to halt operations and end collective punishment through sanctions, and standing with those getting crushed at the same time by bombs and by batons. A movement like that wouldn’t let Iranians’ suffering get turned into propaganda.

Silence or hesitation at a moment like this means being anti-war only kicks in when it costs nothing, meaning “class” and “anti-racism” have stayed pretty words. Crises rip the masks off: either anti-war politics means challenging your own government and backing people under fire, or it isn’t politics at all, it’s just a storyline.

January 4, 2026

During the same days when Iran was under attack by Israel and the United States, some right-wing opposition currents, from the MEK to monarchists/pro-Pahlavi groups, were calling on people to flood the streets so that “the job could be finished.” If Iranian society really moved by outside command, that moment should have been the perfect chance for a top-down mobilization: the country under bombardment, and an open invitation to revolt. But it didn’t happen.

There was no mass celebration of the bombing, no uprising in support of the attack. That fact makes one thing clear: the driving force behind protest in Iran is not dependence on some foreign project. Some factions may cheer for foreign interference or even military action, but that doesn’t mean they carry broad weight or legitimacy inside society.

The core energy of protest comes from somewhere else: real life. From livelihoods, dignity, freedom, the right to self-determination, and the rejection of a form of rule that has taken society hostage.

So the question is: why does the “foreign hand” story stick so easily in countries like Iran? The answer lies in political and communication structures. When transparent, legal, and accountable channels for participation are blocked; when independent organizing and a free press are suppressed; and when citizens’ connections with people in other societies are controlled and managed, the public sphere turns into a space of rumor, fear, and narrative-making.

In those conditions, an authoritarian state can rebuild its preferred storyline and present it as reality, in order to make repression look reasonable. Yet even in that communication darkness, one question remains sharp and decisive: why are people willing to pay the price, to be injured, to be killed, and to risk losing everything for their cause?

The argument about imperialism is a valid one. People in Iran live under the simultaneous pressure of multiple power mechanisms. On one side, U.S. imperialism, through sanctions and economic warfare, drives up the cost of living and limits society’s ability to breathe.

On the other side, Chinese imperialism, operating inside those same sanctions, takes advantage of a privileged position and buys Iranian oil at deep discounts and lower prices. That is the logic of the capitalist world system: pressure from one pole becomes opportunity for another, and society is left grinding between the two.

January 4, 2026

Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, with the way they frame this, are shrinking the historical reality of our moment. The issue today is not simply a few “misconduct” cases or the “illegality” of certain U.S. executive actions, and it can’t even be reduced to “oil” in the crude, literal sense. The real issue is a project to rebuild American political hegemony on a global scale. What we are witnessing is a deliberate return to the playbook of the 1960s and 1970s: a project aimed at redividing the world, redefining spheres of influence, and reorganizing the order of power.

Reducing this blunt reality to a handful of legal disputes or a few instances of presidential overreach is, in itself, a political distortion. If you measure military action or foreign intervention only by the yardstick of “Congressional authorization” or “violations of the law,” you miss the deeper question: what exactly is this state trying to rebuild, and which relationships of power is it trying to stabilize again?

You could see the same pattern recently in the way some U.S. politicians reacted to Washington’s actions in Venezuela: they narrowed the whole discussion to a legal argument about executive authority, while critics warned that the path smelled like regime change and oil interests. But even if we assume oil is part of the motive, oil is just a code word for something bigger: a reshuffling of power.

If China has expanded its influence in Africa through massive spending, lending, and trapping states in cycles of debt; if Russia is waging war against Ukraine to control energy corridors and transit routes into Europe; then the United States is acting by the very same logic of power: trying to return to its previous hegemonic position, or at least preventing a stable multipolar order in which Washington is no longer the final rule-maker. This is not an exception, and it is not a deviation. It is the normal logic of the global capitalist order, reproduced in different forms.

This is exactly where we run into the classic mindset of the “neoliberalised left.” Inside the United States, the crisis is reduced to a few violations, a few instances of lawbreaking, or a handful of limited reforms—as if making the process “legal” automatically means power itself has been restrained. But the U.S. political system only allows change within a very tightly controlled framework.

Zohran Mamdani’s victory in New York, with all its symbolic and political weight, proves that cracks exist: you can win, you can mobilize, you can push back against urban oligarchies. But none of this is decisive or sufficient on its own. If the underlying power relations are not shaken, these gains are quickly absorbed into the system’s own logic, or neutralized through administrative, judicial, and media coalitions. Mamdani is the mayor of New York today, and Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez are standing with him—but the real question is whether this win can become a lasting shift in the balance of forces, or whether it will dissolve inside the same urban-financial machinery that has always swallowed reforms.

Outside the United States, this distortion becomes even deeper. The same intellectual currents that, at home, strike an anti-corruption moral pose and limit the debate to legal procedures, show up internationally with vague “anti-imperialist” slogans—without any serious analysis of capital, state power, and global hegemony.

The result is a double standard: in Washington, everything becomes a “violation of the law” that can supposedly be fixed through oversight and reform; in the wider world, everything becomes “defending nations,” covered up with moral posturing. This double standard is neither accidental nor innocent. It has a function: to hide the reality of political power and push class contradictions to the margins on a global scale.

In this framework, the truth that should be kept in full view is deliberately removed: capital is not just markets and companies. Capital is organised political power. Hegemony means the ability to set the world’s agenda—to decide what counts as “legitimate,” what is “illegal,” what is “security,” what is “terrorism,” and who has the right to use force and who does not. When a hegemonic project begins, its tools are not limited to tanks and sanctions. Banks, media, international legal regimes, financial standards, and intelligence networks are all part of the same machine. Focusing on legal violations is like talking about a massive hurricane and complaining only about a broken window.

That is why a real confrontation with this hegemony has one basic condition: we must accept that the political power of capital has to be destabilised. Not through moralism, not through legal case-building, and not by hoping for a “better” world order whose foundations are imperial rivalry and capital accumulation. Destabilising power means building independent social force: organization, strikes, collective action, and turning scattered contradictions into a common will that can exert sustained pressure on both state and capital.

This is where Iran enters the picture. Because Iran is not just a geopolitical “case.” Iran is a living laboratory of our era’s contradictions: a society that, over the past two decades, has repeatedly produced different forms of organising, uprising, strikes, and resistance—against a state that treats survival as identical with securitisation and control. If the “hegemonic project” abroad takes the form of redividing the world and rearranging spheres of influence, inside countries it is completed through the same logic: shifting crisis onto society’s body, suffocating independent organisation, and turning everyday livelihood into an instrument of obedience. In these conditions, real politics moves beyond moral poses and legal games and comes down to one fundamental question: what force can push back the political power of capital—not just replace its managers?

This is what the neoliberalized left refuses to see, because seeing it comes with a cost: you have to leave the safe zone of moralism and procedural legalism and step into the terrain of power—where class, ownership, organization, and real coercion are what decide outcomes.

January 4, 2026

Footage shows the regime’s security forces moving in force into the cities of Lordegan in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province and Marvdasht in Fars province.

More than anything, these scenes reveal the government’s fear of the protests spreading. These are very small cities, but they have a high concentration of unemployed young people.

At least 16 dead in Iran during week of protests

January 4, 2026

As the protests spread in Iran, members of parliament said that the minimum wage would be increased by more than 40%. Pezeshkian’s administration also announced that state financial assistance and shopping cards for government-run stores will be expanded. The government deposited four months’ worth of this financial assistance into the accounts of the heads of families.

Alongside rapidly rising inflation, Iran is also facing a growing real unemployment rate. By the end of the year, nearly 450,000 jobs will be lost. The decline in both foreign and domestic investment, along with falling oil revenues, has pushed the economy into recession and increased the number of precarious workers, adding a large number of people to the ranks of the officially unemployed.

Under these conditions, the key question is whether the government can boost people’s purchasing power and calm public anger by injecting cash, expanding subsidy cards, and raising wages without controlling inflation. In the short term, protests may be halted through repression, but responding to the accumulated demands of a population worn down by poverty and hardship will not be that simple.

 

January 3, 2026

We are in an energy-centric global politics where capitals, from Tehran to Caracas to Washington, are jockeying to protect, exploit, or weaponize hydrocarbons. Whether through sanctions, direct military action, or market signaling, petroleum persists as a strategic pivot linking domestic economies, foreign policy calculus, and systemic risk on a global scale.

The situation with Iran is more complicated. In Iran, there are strong political and social movements that are fighting to end the current system without depending on foreign interference.

The Pahlavi camp is not a real social movement. Like the Mojahedin, it survives and appears powerful mainly through foreign funding and external support, but it has no genuine social base. It does not represent the social demands of Iranian society and defines itself only through opposition to the regime, not through a positive program rooted in people’s everyday struggles.

From this perspective, Iran’s situation is not comparable to Venezuela’s. The struggle of the Iranian people has broad legitimacy in global public opinion and has managed to clearly distance itself from right-wing and fascist governments. This distinction has been visible and politically meaningful.

 

January 3, 2026

Statement by the Free Union of #Iranian Workers on the Nationwide, Freedom-Seeking Uprisings in Cities Across the Country

What is unfolding today on the streets of cities across Iran is the cry of people pushed to the edge by poverty and misery; inflation and soaring prices; repression and suffocation; misogyny; economic collapse; and the breakdown and destruction of the very foundations of social life. It is the direct result of the most brutal and repressive form of rightlessness imposed on the people of #Iran.

This uprising is a continuation of the popular uprisings of previous years, which were mercilessly crushed and drowned in blood by the Islamic Republic. It is another chapter in the people of Iran’s self-sacrificing struggle to put an end to the existing hell and to build a society that is democratic, free, prosperous, and free from discrimination, oppression, and exploitation.

Yet in the meantime, the Islamic Republic—now incapable of providing even the most basic requirements for the survival of a human society, such as water, electricity, energy, and clean air—continues to beat the drum of its own disgraceful survival and the ongoing destruction of the country. By sending repression forces into the streets and turning peaceful protests into bloodshed, it is once again trying to ride out the powerful and transformative wave of the Iranian people’s demand for fundamental change.

But the hard reality is this: the exhausted and dispossessed people of Iran have nothing left to lose. They are no longer willing to tolerate the current miserable conditions, even for a short time. At the same time, the government is completely incapable of bringing even the slightest improvement to these deeply catastrophic conditions.

What is happening today in the streets and cities of Iran is no longer just a protest—it is a revolution. A revolution that may experience ups and downs, advances and setbacks, but will not stop moving forward.

A chapter of history is being turned in this country—a history that, from the Constitutional Revolution to the 1979 Revolution, the people of Iran were unable to fully reshape. Now, in a world very different from the past, the country is going through a major social and political revolution, rooted in large modern social movements such as the workers’ movement, the teachers’ movement, the movement against executions and for human rights, the retirees’ movement, and the women’s movement.

We, in the Free Union of Iranian Workers—as an organization born out of the heart of the workers’ movement and decades of relentless struggle by workers—warn the leaders of the Islamic Republic against continuing policies of repression, violent crackdowns, and bloodshed in response to the people’s rightful demands. We declare that just as we stood shoulder to shoulder with the people of Iran from the very first days of the recent uprisings, we will continue our responsible struggle until the country is freed from the grip of oppression and dictatorship.

It is our right, as workers and as the people of Iran, to demand fundamental change in this country.

By calling on workers across the country—especially workers in key industries such as oil, steel, and automobile manufacturing—to play an effective role in the country’s political developments, we declare that, responsibly and with deep commitment to the cause of liberation for the working class and the people of Iran, we will stand firm against any attempt by the government to suppress the people, as well as against any top-down, engineered intervention over the heads of the Iranian people by regional or global powers.

Free Union of Iranian Workers – 3 January 2026

 

January 3, 2026

Statement by the Coordinating Council of Teachers’ Trade Associations

These protests are the people’s protests, not a tool for rivalry between factions or individuals.

What is unfolding today in Iran’s streets, squares, and neighborhoods is the cry of anger and pain from people whose bones have been crushed for years under poverty, discrimination, humiliation, injustice, and the constant ignoring of their demands.

These protests are not designed in political think tanks, nor are they a project of any particular faction. They are the voice of people demanding life, people who have nothing left to lose except the chains placed on their livelihoods, dignity, and future.
The people of Iran, teachers, workers, retirees, nurses, farmers, the unemployed, women, young people, residents of marginalized areas, and shopkeepers, have for years paid the price of incompetence, structural corruption, and chronic lies of those in power with their own flesh and bones.

Runaway inflation, the collapse of purchasing power, the destruction of education and healthcare, and the spread of poverty and instability are the direct result of policies made not for the people, but against them.

The Coordinating Council of Teachers’ Trade Associations of Iran declares clearly and loudly:

These protests are the people’s protests, not a tool for competition between factions or individuals.

The people are their own spokespersons. Any attempt to divert, engineer, or appropriate these protests is a betrayal of the people and a blow to the possibility of liberation.
The bitter lessons of the past have shown that wherever people have been sidelined, freedom and justice have been sacrificed.

Protest is a fundamental right of the people.

The response to this right is not batons or bullets, not prison or repression. A system of governance that refuses to hear the people’s voice will, sooner or later, face an even louder outcry.

Violence against the people does not solve the crisis; it deepens it, spreads it, and makes it uncontrollable.

Our message to the military, police, and security forces is this:

You come from this very society. Standing against the people means standing against your own future and the future of your children. Do not stain your hands with the blood of citizens, and be certain that history will not forget these moments.

The Coordinating Council of Teachers’ Trade Associations of Iran considers itself an inseparable part of the people and stands, and will continue to stand, beside them. Not for a share of power, not for authority, but for human dignity, social justice, and a future no longer built on fear and poverty.

This voice is the voice of the people, and the people are the true owners of this land.

Coordinating Council of Teachers’ Trade Associations of Iran

January 2, 2026

On the sixth day, the protests have turned into a nationwide map of discontent:

46 cities, 22 provinces, at least 113 protest gatherings, and 15 student demonstrations. From Zahedan to Mashhad, from Marvdasht and Fooladshahr to Qom, Qazvin, and Tehran.

What sets these protests apart is the way different demands are coming together: livelihoods, freedom, dignity, and physical safety. The slogans are not random. They are different layers of a single crisis that have finally piled up on top of each other.

Funerals for those killed have turned into scenes of protest, Marvdasht, Fooladshahr, and earlier, other cities. When public mourning becomes political, it means the gap between society and power has reached a dangerous point.

Tear gas in Qom, gunfire in Yasuj, violence in Tehran’s Narmak neighborhood, shots fired at passing cars in Marvdasht, and mass arrests in Zahedan, Lorestan, Alborz, and Tehran.

At the same time, the official narrative is being sealed off at high speed: “foreign interference,” “national security,” “the enemy.” Media directives, political threats, and reducing the crisis to a conspiracy.

Alongside this, a fake narrative pushed by Pahlavi/ Zionist networks is also doing its job, backed by billion-dollar budgets through TV channels and armies of Twitter and Instagram bots.

But reality is more stubborn than these narratives. These protests are not the result of a foreign tweet, nor an emotional reaction to a single event. Six days of continuity, repeated slogans, and the overlap of labor, economic, and political demands all point to one clear fact: the discontent is deep, accumulated, and no longer easy to push back.

Last night, 17 well-known civil activists also issued a joint statement, saying they stand with the people to reclaim the right to a dignified life, freedom, justice, human dignity, and control over their own destiny. Among them are Narges Mohammadi, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate, and Jafar Panahi, the well-known filmmaker.

The statement says: “Once again, the great movement of civil resistance by the people of Iran, by taking over the streets, is shouting the national will to remove the illegitimate system of the Islamic Republic.”

When a government responds not with answers but only with repression and narrative-making, protest does not stop. It changes shape, becomes more radical, and grows more social.

January 1, 2026

Protests continue in 72 cities in Iran.

January 1, 2026

City of Hamedan, tonight.

Protests are continuing in multiple cities. Reports have emerged of security forces shooting directly at protesters, and several people have been killed.

Also, police forces are continuously shooting at people who surround a police station in Marvdasht, a city 40 kilometers north of the Shiraz metropolis.
At least 8 protesters have been killed during these two days.
 

January 1, 2026

Watch this video. It’s a scene of young people in Kuhdasht working together to push back against the crackdown.

This is a small town with fewer than 100,000 people, a mountainous place, full of unemployed youth. They are distributing bricks to fight.

If someone genuinely thinks these people are in the streets because of “Western propaganda,” rather than because of their own daily needs and pressures, then they should either see a psychiatrist or take a hard look at the racism and fascistic instincts they’re carrying.

This video captures that exact moment that says: they have nothing to lose but their chains.

January 1, 2026

I’ve seen this map from #Iran and related to these days’ protests being shared widely, so I wanted to add a bit of context. Why do you think so many protests in Iran happen in winter, and why in the western, mountainous parts of the country?

Winter is when everyday economic pressure peaks, and seasonal unemployment sharpens frustration. It’s also the time when the largest number of seasonal and migrant workers either return to their hometowns or get ready to leave again, after the agricultural season, for warmer areas where work is more available, like the south or the more industrial central regions. That’s why some western and mountainous areas see their highest volume of protests in winter.

Note that the western areas of #Tehran are essentially the more industrialized region of the city, and this is the main base of industrial and service workers who work in the Tehran province, which has a population of approximately 12 million people.

Many of the places in the Zagros mountains (red dots) highlighted on this map have been constant protest hotspots because of water scarcity, unemployment, and high suicide rates. These aren’t necessarily the “key” provinces and cities in Iran where protests immediately produce nationwide political shockwaves, but as you can see, the scale of protest and the level of violence there are almost unmatched compared to many other regions.

I want to say that these protests in the western and mountainous regions aren’t simply a direct echo of what happened in Tehran. They have their own local drivers and long-running grievances. But the events in Tehran’s bazaar, and what they signal about prices, currency instability, and the broader economic breakdown, have clearly amplified anger and resentment in these areas, pushing existing frustrations closer to the surface.

At the same time, #Kurdistan and #Azerbaijan have been extremely cold and snowy these days, making street protests practically impossible right now. Keep in mind, too, that protests in these regions are met with far heavier violence than elsewhere, which changes both the form and the dynamics of mobilization in ways that look very different from other parts of the country.

May be a doodle of text

January 1, 2026

For years, the Pahlavi project has tried to sell itself as a “solution” to Iran’s crisis. However, the closer you look, the more it resembles a political brand seeking a country, rather than a serious alternative grounded in society.

 

At the center of this project is one big illusion: that Iran’s future can be decided mainly through elite deals, foreign endorsements, or a symbolic “return.” This mindset doesn’t start from people’s real struggles, organizing, and demands. It starts from a fantasy of order being restored from above. In that fantasy, society is not an active force; it’s an audience. And the job of politics becomes managing the audience, not empowering it.
 
That’s why the Pahlavi/Zionist camp often speaks the language of “national unity” but treats actual social movements as a nuisance. Workers’ organizing, student protests, women’s struggles, anti-execution campaigns, these are messy, complex, and they come with real political questions: power, accountability, rights, wealth, policing, and who controls the state. The Pahlavi project doesn’t like that kind of politics, because it can’t dominate it. It wants the street only as a stage, not as a decision-maker.
 
There’s also a huge credibility problem: this camp keeps flirting with the ugliest parts of Iran’s political memory. When a movement has supporters who casually talk about “strong security,” celebrate punishment, or normalize the logic of intelligence agencies and repression, people don’t hear “stability.” They hear a threat. Iran today is not a society dreaming of a new SAVAK. A lot of people are fighting precisely because they want to end torture, fear, and state violence, not repaint it with a different logo.
 
And this is where the Pahlavi project keeps hitting a wall: women. Not as a slogan, not as a decorative image, but as a real political force. A current that feels stressed whenever women lead, whenever feminism becomes central, whenever “Woman, Life, Freedom” sets the tone, this current is not aligned with the most dynamic part of Iran’s political energy. It’s positioned against it. You can’t claim to represent a future while standing in front of one of the strongest engines of that future.
 
Another issue is strategy. The Pahlavi/Zionist camp behaves as if its real audience is not people inside Iran, but decision-makers outside Iran. It’s a diplomacy-first project, not a society-first project. That’s why it keeps shifting its messaging depending on what it thinks Washington, Europe, or Tel Aviv wants to hear. But here’s the brutal truth: foreign states don’t back you because you’re “right.” They back you if you can deliver something they need, control, stability, and a reliable transition that keeps people off the streets. That creates a deep contradiction: you want popular legitimacy, but you also need to convince powerful states that you can demobilize the very public you claim to represent.
 
So what happens when this project can’t organically attract millions inside Iran? You get shortcuts: exaggerated claims, media performances, and sometimes pure fabrication, like pretending the only slogan in the streets is “bring back the monarchy.” That’s not political strength. That’s political insecurity wearing a loud costume.
 
The weirdest part is that the Pahlavi project attacks the 1979 revolution as manipulation and mythology, yet it keeps chasing the same style of power-building: a single figure as the “national savior,” a media-centered momentum, and the idea that the people’s role is to cheer while elites negotiate. The world has changed. Iran has changed even more. A society that has gone through decades of repression, war, sanctions, and mass political experience is not easily “reset” to an older script.
 
If you want to understand the Pahlavi project, don’t treat it as a serious roadmap. Treat it as a symptom: the desire for a clean, simple, top-down transition in a country where reality is complicated, where society is politicized, and where the most important struggles, women, workers, students, and everyday people are not asking for a crown. They’re asking for control over their lives.
 
And that’s the core problem: they can’t build a future for Iran by trying to manage society from above. Iran’s future won’t be “returned.” It will be fought for, organized, and taken by the people who live there.
 

December 31, 2025

Protests in Lorestan. This is one of the most deprived provinces in Iran. It has some of the highest rates of unemployment, out-migration, and suicide, among other things. I previously wrote a detailed report about the water crisis in this province, and the link is available in the comments.
 
The water crisis, in particular, has driven demographic changes in Lorestan. We’ve also seen widespread protests there over extensive dam construction, environmental destruction, and the displacement of land and villages across the province.
 
The protests are continuing in the city of Arak. This is one of Iran’s main industrial cities in the central part of the country.
 
In Fooladshahr, near Isfahan, the footage coming out are lower quality because the internet is unstable and unreliable. Clashes between people and the police have intensified.
People are holding their ground and resisting the crackdown; the streets have turned into a scene of anger and open protest.
The message is clear: the silence is over, and people are ready to fight for what’s theirs.
 

December 31, 2025

 
For years, a segment of the Western left has spoken about #Iran with total confidence. Yet the same camp often reduces, or outright misreads, the political and social crises in its own countries. This isn’t a moral complaint; it’s a methodological one: if your analysis can’t produce a clear picture of the realities right in front of you, how can it credibly describe a society whose language you don’t understand, whose history you compress into a few headlines, and whose cultural and class diversity you only know as a caricature?
 
In practice, a big part of this outlook treats Iran not as a living society with multiple, conflicting social forces, but as a “stage”, a stage for pre-written scripts: #Islam versus the #West, security games, or the chessboard of great powers. In that frame, the street, unions, and independent organizing are always an inconvenience, because they drag social reality into view and pull the story out of the analyst’s control. That’s why, whenever people in Iran move, they aren’t listened to, they get translated: “foreign interference,” “psychological warfare,” “regime-change project.” This translation isn’t just a political disagreement; it’s the erasure of agency from people who are actively fighting.
 
#Orientalism isn’t only blatant contempt. It’s also the habit of “explaining” a society while ignoring its language, context, lived experience, and internal history. The result is obvious: instead of being understood through class relations, the state–labor nexus, the machinery of repression, and the real forms of resistance, Iran gets reduced to a few symbols and a couple of imagined enemies.
 
From this point on, I’m not treating these stupid, racist judgments as a benchmark. I’m not spending my energy trying to persuade them, and I’m not translating Iran’s anti-authoritarian and anti-capitalist struggle into the kind of narratives they find comfortable. Real solidarity starts with listening, not with prescribing. And #Europe isn’t the center of the world; no struggle needs to pass through the filter of #European comprehension or approval to be legitimate.
 

December 30, 2025

Women in Iran aren’t just facing “discrimination.” They’re facing a legal and economic order that turns discrimination into law—and turns law into a tool for producing obedience.
 
This isn’t simply a matter of tradition or culture. It’s a governing machine with three coordinated parts: the legal system, the labor market, and the apparatus of repression.
 
When these three lock together, women are structurally turned into second-class citizens—and that second-class status produces both economic profit and political stability.
 
The fact that women make up only 14% of Iran’s formal workforce should be a strong signal to any observer of why women in Iran are on the front lines of the struggle against Islamic fascism.
 
(A video from Tehran’s bazaar shows a woman standing alone in front of police forces, calling on people to protest.)
 

December 30, 2025

The government’s executive deputy said in a meeting at the Tehran governor’s office that they “apologize to the people for the high prices and inflation close to 40%,” and stressed that the problems won’t be solved “overnight.”
 
He blamed the main cause of rising prices on “imbalances in the banking system” and spoke about a “major economic surgery,” including fixing the multi-rate currency system and changing how support is provided (direct cash payments to people instead of subsidized exchange rates).
 
To put it very simply: if the left in the West were truly fighting capitalism, it wouldn’t be this passive in the face of Iran’s protests. But let me be clear, this neoliberalized left, deeply infected with white superiority and Orientalism, will never be able to grasp that simple reality.
 
While the protests are clearly focused on economic issues, the regime’s media outlets claim that the protests are being managed by foreign elements, while some media outlets close to Pahlavi/Zionism are publishing fake videos claiming protesters are chanting slogans for the return of the Shah.
 
It can now be said that the propaganda between the Islamic regime and the Zionist regime aims to prevent the growth of an anti-capitalist movement in the Middle East.
 
 
Video from Mamasani city, Fars province
 
 

December 30, 2025

 
An IRGC official said in an interview with state TV:
 
“Any officers and personnel who neglect their duties in confronting the riots and go on the run will be dealt with later. And anyone who hasn’t reported for duty since yesterday, if they don’t show up by 8:00 p.m. tonight, will have a case opened against them.”
 
For those who are following, three movements are in the streets, and all three are really present and fighting:
 
1- The ruling Islamic fascism, with massive police, military, and media power.
2- Pahlavi/Zionist fascism, which hopes to return to power through top-down change, like a coup or a war.
3- A diverse spectrum of republicans, democrats, and leftists all together as a united anti-fascist front.
 

December 30, 2025

The state has made three decisions that basically mean they’re easing up, for now, on strict tax enforcement on small businesses, so the bazaar doesn’t get even more inflamed:
First, they’ve reviewed and slowed down the process that was supposed to bring all businesses, one by one, into the VAT system.
 
Second, they’ve extended the acceptance of POS terminal receipts instead of requiring “electronic invoices,” so shopkeepers don’t have to set up an e-invoicing system immediately.
 
Third, they’ve extended for another year the full waiver of penalties for not issuing electronic invoices.
 
So the message is pretty clear: with prices soaring and sales in a slump, they don’t want to pour more fuel on professional and business protests by adding fines and administrative pressure right now.
 

December 30, 2025

Video: Police clash with protesters in Tehran’s Shush Square

In Iran, this is no longer a fight over which narrative is real and which one is fake. The real question is how the crisis can actually be solved. Neither the Islamic Republic’s promises to fix people’s problems nor the false claims pushed by the Pahlavi/ Zionist camp, and their attempt to create a war atmosphere, will improve this situation.

Meanwhile, the government spokesperson said the administration “recognizes” the people’s protests and claimed that even “radical voices” will be heard.

The regime has only one real path in front of it: ending authoritarian rule, opening space for dialogue, and lowering tensions in the region. China and Russia have already shown they follow their own interests, and Iran’s situation doesn’t really matter to them. Otherwise, Trump wouldn’t be able to casually threaten Iran with another round of bombing.

 

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December 30, 2025

This interview, conducted last week, is significant in that it addresses today’s crisis.

In the final part of this interview, published by a local Iranian outlet and focused on Iran’s corrupt, rent-based economy, Laylaz turns to Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte and talks about the possible rise of a “Bonapartist” figure. His argument is simple: if the ruling class can no longer govern in the old way, and the ruled classes cannot take power either, politics may move toward a strong, decisive force, like a more centralized state, or a leader who promises “order.”

The obvious point in Iran is this: the crisis of political alternatives cannot be solved by parliamentary hopes or promises of “democratization” alone. When the security apparatus is the backbone of the state, any economic crisis can quickly turn into a security crisis. In that kind of system, economic reform without opening space for social organization often becomes a kind of shock therapy against poorer people. That, in turn, weakens legitimacy even more and increases the temptation to rely on repression. This vicious circle is what Laylaz calls a “closed loop.”

Iran’s economy can no longer be explained only through charts and monetary policy. It functions inside a rent-seeking security state that wants control, but also fears the consequences of real control. Sanctions exist, but they hit a body that was already sick and already built around rent. Inflation exists, but it is not just a mistake or a technical problem; it can also work as a tool that shifts wealth and helps reproduce the existing order. Most importantly, “indecision” is not only about individual leaders being weak, it is a political expression of a legitimacy crisis and a crisis in the balance of power.
“Iran has been looted.” When a country reaches a point where making big decisions creates political danger, and not making decisions means continued looting, then only one kind of solution is left in front of society.

Saeed Laylaz is an Iranian economist and journalist. He teaches at Shahid Beheshti University in Tehran and once edited Sarmayeh (“Capital”), a reform-minded business newspaper that was closed in 2009. He also worked as an adviser to former President Mohammad Khatami and is known as a pro-reform public commentator.

Laylaz became more widely known outside Iran after he was arrested during the crackdown that followed the 2009 election, and later received a nine-year prison sentence. Since then, he has stayed a well-known analyst of Iran’s political economy. He often argues that sanctions do not work alone, and that they interact with domestic governance problems, rent-seeking, and deep weaknesses in Iran’s banking and budget system.

 

 

December 30, 2025

Putting aside the fascist propaganda about “foreign interference” or “the return of the Shah”, narratives that have also echoed in parts of the international media, the most serious demands raised over the last few days, showing the link between labor protests and the bazaar, are these:

1- Turning the currency collapse and inflation from an “accident” into a “policy,” and asking who wins and who loses from it.

2- Focusing on the budget, wages, taxes, and austerity, in other words, seeing the state as a tool for managing the crisis in favor of those at the top.

3- Demanding the removal of contractors, wage equalization, and an end to the multi-tier labor market.

4- Exposing and resisting the ties between private ownership, security institutions, and rent-seeking in industrial and mining workplaces. 

 

December 29, 2025

A number of videos have been circulating about the strike at Tehran’s Grand Bazaar. This strike is exceptional in its own way, and nothing on this scale has been seen before.

I should also say this: pro-monarchy/Pahlavi groups, backed by the propaganda machines of Israel and the United States, are trying to push their own narrative by claiming people are chanting slogans like “bring back the Shah.” But most of the videos suggest their claims are not only inaccurate—many of the images promoted by certain outlets likely aren’t even real.

Be careful with the videos and images. More than half of Iran is cold and snowy right now, yet some clips being shared show people in summer clothes. At the moment, apart from southern Iran and a few islands, most other regions are under heavy snowfall.

 

December 29, 2025

Students at the University of Tehran were still chanting on campus up until about an hour ago. Student activists have issued a call for tomorrow, urging people to join the protests and the bazaar strike.

Pezeshkian, the president of the Islamic Republic, claimed in a tweet that he has tasked the interior minister with speaking to the Bazar protesters in order to “resolve their problems.”

December 29, 2025

Students in Tehran University’s dorm complex say the dorm gates have been shut on them, and special forces are patrolling around the area.

In a statement released today, a group of student activists voiced support for the bazaar protests and called on students to stand in solidarity with the protesters.
In another report, students began their protests.

 

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December 29, 2025

People in Iran have been fighting this situation for decades, not just reacting to a “bad day,” but pushing back against a durable system of enforced instability. Life in Iran has felt, for years, like walking on shaky ground: inflation, a collapsing currency, wages that lose their meaning, capital flight, institutional corruption, and a ruling elite that keeps telling people to “be patient” while sharpening the tools of pressure at the same time. Today, the bazaar protests; yesterday it was retirees; tomorrow it’s workers; the day after, students. This is a continuous thread, not a set of isolated dots.

This past summer, while protests continued with high intensity and a heavy cost, another curtain dropped: the growing emptiness of U.S. and European claims about “human rights.” The same actors who talk about freedom from podiums showed, in practice, that human rights are a political switch for them, not a principle. What was laid bare in Palestine wasn’t only a humanitarian catastrophe; it exposed a double standard that measures the value of a human life by passport and geography. Under that kind of logic, expecting “moral solidarity” from above feels less like realism and more like asking a mirage for water.

That same summer also wore down an old myth even further: the claim that protests in Iran are “foreign-made.” On the surface, this narrative helps the state turn every form of dissent into a security case. But logically it has a serious flaw: if the main engine of protest were “foreign hands,” then the moment when outside interference had the best chance to be decisive—those same days, that same summer, should have ended it. If everything could be run by remote control, why does society keep boiling up again and again, regardless of the ups and downs of foreign policy? The persistence and repetition of protest is exactly the sign that we’re dealing with an internal social cause, not an imported show.

None of this requires naivety. Yes, there are organizations and currents tied to outside powers; that’s a reality in many countries. But that fact does not “explain” a society of 90 million people. Iran is not a single-voice, single-group country; it’s a complex mix of classes, ethnic communities, generations, ways of life, and political experiences. Reducing all of that to a foreign conspiracy is less analysis than insult, an insult to people’s agency. And that exact insult shows up both in domestic security propaganda and in the worldview of parts of the Western political scene that understand the world not through its people, but through geopolitical chess pieces.

Now, protests are returning with livelihoods and the economy at the center, and the same old propaganda is being warmed up again. For the state, this story has a vital function: it turns protest from a “right” into a “threat.” It turns the demand for bread and a livable life into a security file. It turns a citizen into an “agent.” And then it frames repression not as violence, but as duty. This mechanism has been tested over and over: first the label, then the warning, then the crackdown, then forced silence, and then… the crisis returns, because you can’t solve a crisis with tear gas.

Reality is this naked for us. Like that motorcycle courier who stood alone in front of an army of brutal enforcers. This is the point where you have nothing left to lose. And the repressor ends up even angrier and more demoralized than before, because he knows bullets don’t work the way they used to.

 

December 10, 2025

Workers’ protests and strikes in Iran are spreading further. The state is trying to confront them with every repressive tool it has, from news censorship to arresting labour activists. In the latest clash, while oil workers were gathered in front of parliament to protest severely delayed wage payments, they also called for the abolition of the contractor system in Iran’s labor market.
 
Contracting in Iran, like in many other countries, has been built on outsourcing labor, turning permanent jobs into temporary contracts, and ultimately blocking the possibility of broad, independent organization. In Iran, this system, alongside police repression, has effectively deprived workers of any real opportunity to form independent unions. Faced with this, workers turned to holding general assemblies: a way to avoid direct legal persecution by the state for creating “illegal organizations,” and at the same time to keep decision-making rooted at the bottom and organized in a horizontal way.
 
Yesterday’s gathering in front of parliament showed that this method of struggle has entered a new stage, with protesters now demanding the removal of the contractor structure from the labor market altogether. So far, this slogan has appeared clearly in the oil industry, and we expect it to spread quickly to other sectors as well. This is a very important step in Iran and for the workers’ movement against privatization and the destruction of job security. I will definitely be writing more about this.

 

December 3, 2025

Trump posted on Truth Social: “Everyone, keep oil prices down. I’m watching! You’re playing right into the enemy’s hands.” He wrote it in the middle of the 12-day war with Iran—just hours after B-2 bombers hit three Iranian nuclear sites (Fordow, Natanz, Isfahan). At that moment oil was up by about one dollar. That tiny jump was enough to trigger a public warning, which tells you what the real red line is: energy markets.
 
Inside Iran, some geopolitics bloggers translated the message bluntly: oil is still the biggest lever to pressure Washington and complicate any “regime change” fantasy. From that point, you get two variations of the same idea. One camp suggests an “oil deal” with Trump: pre-sell Iranian oil into US companies’ energy portfolios, trade barrels for de-escalation, and use US presidential waivers to temporarily ease Iran’s economic mess. Another camp treats oil as deterrence: manipulate energy risk to shape US behavior and push China into a more active role in the dangerous standoff between Washington, Tel Aviv, and Tehran.
 
Meanwhile, the broader picture is grim. Only a few months after the war ended, the region is still one spark away from another round—one that could shake Iran’s political structure and slam global energy supply from the Mediterranean to the Caribbean, from Texas oil desks to Shanghai refineries. None of the “core files” are actually resolved: enrichment, the missing 60% stockpile, missiles, or the so-called Axis network.
 
And then there’s Venezuela. The US has built a major naval posture around it, with talk of Maduro seeking guarantees to exit. Officially it’s “anti-drug.” Unofficially, the logic screams resources: Venezuela’s vast oil reserves, China’s presence there, and Washington’s desire to lock down a substitute supply before any second Iran conflict sends Persian Gulf flows into chaos.
So the uncomfortable question is simple: is this one energy chessboard—Caracas as the buffer, Tehran as the next pressure point?

 

May be an image of one or more people and street

December 3, 2025

Ali Khamenei once again reproduced the same old frame: he called women the “head of the household” and praised those who, despite their husbands’ “fixed and insufficient income” and rising prices, keep the home running “skillfully”, in other words, managing austerity instead of having equal rights.
 
But once you step away from this praise-filled language about housework and look at the official labor statistics, the real meaning becomes clear. According to data published by Iran’s Statistical Center for the summer of 2025, men’s economic participation rate is 68.1%, while women’s is only 13.6%. (link in the comment) That means the majority of women are basically kept out of the formal labor market. At the same time, the unemployment rate is reported at 15.2% for women versus 5.8% for men—a gap that isn’t accidental; it’s structural.
 
The same inequality shows up in education, just in a different form. Even state-linked outlets report that “more than 52% of the country’s student population” are women, yet women make up only 32% of faculty members. So women are “present” at universities, but they move up less in the hierarchy of academic and professional power.
 
And when you look at politics, the picture gets even starker: in the March 2024 election, only 14 out of 290 parliamentary seats (4.8%) went to women.
 
The conclusion is simple. When the top of the system, in the middle of inflation and worsening living conditions, calls women “household managers,” it’s effectively glorifying the unpaid labor of keeping life going, work that has become heavier for women because of job exclusion, hiring discrimination, and political marginalization.

 

 

November 25, 2025

This morning, a group of health-sector employees at Arak University of Medical Sciences gathered in front of the university’s central building.
 
The protest was sparked by the university management’s failure to implement an approved decision on performance-based pay, a policy that has been used as the basis for payments in other provinces, but in Arak is still being stalled.
 
By taking to the streets, the protesters signaled that mounting cost-of-living pressure, combined with the continued disregard for staff demands, has reached a point where staying silent is no longer possible. They emphasized that the non-payment of karaneh is part of a broader pattern of wage instability being imposed on healthcare workers, one that, in their view, is not the result of a lack of resources, but of discriminatory decisions and a dysfunctional management structure.
 

Arak University of Medical Sciences - Fees, NMC Recognition, Duration

November 25, 2025

This morning, a group of health-sector employees at Arak University of Medical Sciences gathered in front of the university’s central building.
 
The protest was sparked by the university management’s failure to implement an approved decision on performance-based pay, a policy that has been used as the basis for payments in other provinces, but in Arak is still being stalled.
 
By taking to the streets, the protesters signaled that mounting cost-of-living pressure, combined with the continued disregard for staff demands, has reached a point where staying silent is no longer possible. They emphasized that the non-payment of karaneh is part of a broader pattern of wage instability being imposed on healthcare workers, one that, in their view, is not the result of a lack of resources, but of discriminatory decisions and a dysfunctional management structure.
 

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November 19, 2025

These are two new textbooks that have been distributed in Iranian schools over the past few weeks. These books tell the story of the war and the lives of IRGC commanders. The main point on their covers is obvious: in the eyes of the authorities, an Iranian teenager is first and foremost a “soldier,” not a student.
 
A school backpack next to missiles and rockets, a child’s hand holding a pencil designed like a missile, power plants and military bases in the background – none of this is accidental. The message is simple: from the very first years of school, you are supposed to learn that your life, your knowledge, and your future exist to build and maintain the military machine.
 
The problem is not just that there is a “defense studies” class. The real issue is that the whole logic of formal education is to build an identity in which the student learns that they are not really a “citizen” or even a “student,” but a soldier in training. In this view, math and physics matter because they help build missiles and drones, geography is reduced to “threatened borders” and “strategic depth,” history becomes a one-sided narrative of war and enemies, and the “defense preparedness” course basically works like a political and military recruitment office.
 
Once militarization enters the school, it also changes relationships. The teacher, who should be strengthening the skills of thinking and asking questions, turns into an ideological supervisor watching for “deviations.” The student learns to calculate, before asking any question, whether it might be seen as “weakening the defensive spirit.” The student Basij, paramilitary-style programs, trips to former Iran–Iraq war zones, and now a textbook with this kind of design are all links in the same chain: producing a compliant person, ready to be used, and trained to accept that security and war are at the center of every conversation about the future.
 
Alongside this, we see the real situation in Iranian schools: overcrowded classrooms, a shortage of teachers, old and unsafe buildings, outdated teaching equipment, low salaries for teachers, and constant economic pressure on families. The militarization we see in textbooks and programs has nothing to do with the actual quality of education. There is always a budget for propaganda and ideological content, but not for renovating schools or improving teaching. Teachers’ welfare, decent pay, and job security simply don’t count here. In this situation, children very quickly realize that the “defense” course is not about defending their lives, but about defending the political structure that created these conditions.
 
We see the result of this contradiction in a phenomenon the authorities themselves complain about: brain drain. The very generation that was educated for years in the name of “defending the homeland” reaches university and, if they can, their first serious decision is to leave the country. A large part of the best students in basic sciences, engineering and medicine end up spending their energy and talent in other countries. The same people who, according to these books, were supposed to “build Iran” have effectively concluded that they have no future inside this system. This contradiction goes straight to the heart of the logic behind the “We Defend Our Iran” textbook: an education system that wants to produce soldiers ends up producing citizens who either emigrate or, if they stay, distance themselves from the regime in different ways.
 
Those born in the 1980s and 1990s are a clear example. They grew up at the height of the Islamicization of education, under intense political repression and heavy war propaganda; from textbooks to television and morning school ceremonies, everything was about “sacrifice,” “martyrdom” and “the enemy.” Yet this same generation, when they reached youth, became one of the main bases of mass protests: from the student movements of 1999 and 2009 to the nationwide uprisings of the 2010s. Their direct experience of violence, censorship and ideological pressure pushed them away from the system instead of turning them into its loyal supporters.
 

May be a graphic of text that says '16.11.25 JACOBIN GREECE For a left that will change the world. For Palestine that liberates us (Video) Os Avramidis'

November 17, 2025

The conference “For a Palestine That Liberates Us” in Athens, organized by Jacobin Greece, put an entire political tendency on stage. This tendency is not the whole of the Greece/Western left, but because of its academic networks, NGOs, and media connections, it has the loudest voice and acts as the hegemon. Its politics and journalism are commercialized: brand, event, campaign, product. And to sell this product, it needs a “simple Middle East.”
 
In this simplified Middle East, West Asian society is only seen through a few logos. Real people, social classes, independent workers’ and women’s movements, seculars, leftists… if they’re not orbiting around those logos, they fall out of the frame. They talk about “the glorious resistance of the Palestinian people,” but never explain which forces, with what program, and what kind of relationship to the people.
 
The behavior of Western activists is described like heroism, and they talk about feminism in a way that, in practice, doesn’t really care about Eastern women’s rights, because “that’s their culture.” Feminism only really counts, in their eyes, when the woman is a victim who is directly involved in the war against Israel. The “Eastern” person is a subject only as long as they’re in open confrontation with the West; if they are also fighting for their own rights against capitalism and theocracy at the same time, they become “too complicated” for this narrative.
 
If we step away from their fantasies and look at the war as it really is, we end up in a completely different world. Around 70% of Israel’s crude oil comes from Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, via a pipeline that crosses Turkish territory. Russia is the biggest supplier of gasoline and diesel to Israel. Greece and the United States, alongside Russia, are among the main exporters of refined fuels. And the U.S. is the sole supplier of JP-8 military jet fuel for Israeli warplanes.
 
Do workers in Turkey have no problem with this? What about workers in Russia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan? Obviously they do, but the labor movement and independent unions in these countries are being suffocated by the same authoritarian states that profit from this oil-and-war network. Just like in Greece, with its ship-owning elite and shipping networks.
 
In this situation, what does this hegemonic Western tendency do? It correctly sees Western imperialist and colonial interventions, but its method and political tools are Orientalist. It wants human rights, democracy, the right to organize, and freedom of speech for itself; for us, it offers “culture” and “identity.”
 
It turns Islamophobia into a tool for defending reactionary and fascism in our region, instead of fighting racism inside its own societies against Muslimophobia. It doesn’t see repression and dictatorship in these countries as a violation of the same rights it demands for itself, but as a feature of “another world” that the West has simply “misunderstood.” This is not just a theoretical mistake; it is racism.
 
And for exactly that reason, despite all its slogans, it is not socialist: it does not see class, it reduces capitalism to a clash between states, and it pushes the everyday lives of workers, women, and students in the region to the margins, as if they were just part of some vague “Eastern culture.”
 
We are dealing with something deeply fantastical, unreal, with no logical or organic connection even to Greek society itself, let alone to the lived experience of West Asia, with its huge intellectual, political, and cultural diversity. All of it is a fabrication; it’s just a mirror for the Western subject to look at themselves.
 

November 13, 2025

Last week in Ahvaz, 21-year-old Ahmad Baladi a worker and university student—set himself on fire after city agents came to destroy his small food stand. That stand was his family’s only way to survive. The officials called it “law enforcement.” The media called it a “sad incident.” But it was none of that. It was what happens when a whole system turns life itself into a crime.
 
In Iran today, poverty isn’t an accident, it’s produced on purpose. The government and its business networks use “urban renewal,” “beautification,” and “order” to push the poor out of sight so the rich can build and sell more. Every street vendor removed, every kiosk destroyed, means someone’s survival erased. People like Ahmad work hard, study, and still live in fear—no union, no legal rights, no voice. The state speaks through police orders and bulldozers.
 
Ahmad didn’t die because he gave up. He died because there was nowhere left to go. When all doors are closed, the body becomes the last way to speak. These self-immolations are not just personal tragedies, they’re protests against a regime that rules through humiliation and poverty.
 
In recent years, political and poverty-driven suicides have been rising across Iran. Workers who haven’t been paid for months, students crushed by unemployment, women punished for demanding basic rights—many see no space left to breathe, let alone to fight. Self-immolation, once rare, has become a tragic political language: a desperate way to confront a system that silences every other form of protest.
 
From street vendors setting themselves on fire in Khorramshahr and Shadgan to young people in Tehran jumping from government buildings, these acts are not isolated “personal crises.” They are collective screams against a regime that punishes dissent, criminalizes poverty, and turns despair into a form of resistance.
 
And here’s the bitter truth: while people burn in silence, much of the Western left talks only about “anti-imperialism” and Iran’s nuclear program. For them, Iran isn’t a real place, it’s a symbol in their debates with Washington. So local struggles for the environment, against corruption, against poverty and women rights get ignored or mocked, and end up recycled by right-wing tabloids as propaganda.
That’s what happens when solidarity becomes a slogan instead of responsibility. Ahmad’s fire was against the system that made him invisible. And to all who keep excusing it, damn you.
 

November 12, 2025

Early this morning, security agents of the Islamic regime raided the home of his mother, arrested Afshin Heyratian, a leftist activist, a member of the Society for the Defense of Street and Working Children, and a Baha’i citizen, using force, and took him to an unknown location.
 
Heyratian is around 45 and has previously faced arrest and prosecution.
 
He was first detained on June 3, 2010, for peaceful work on children’s rights, and after about two months of interrogation and pressure, he was released on bail.
 
He was arrested again on August 20, 2011. After a four-year prison sentence became final on charges of “disturbing public opinion” and “assembly and collusion against national security,” he was transferred to Rajaei Shahr Prison in Karaj.
 
In recent days, the Islamic regime has arrested several leftist researchers, writers, and translators.
 
 
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November 10, 2025

Early this morning, security agents of the Islamic regime raided the home of his mother, arrested Afshin Heyratian, a leftist activist, a member of the Society for the Defense of Street and Working Children, and a Baha’i citizen, using force, and took him to an unknown location.
 
Heyratian is around 45 and has previously faced arrest and prosecution.
 
He was first detained on June 3, 2010, for peaceful work on children’s rights, and after about two months of interrogation and pressure, he was released on bail.
 
He was arrested again on August 20, 2011. After a four-year prison sentence became final on charges of “disturbing public opinion” and “assembly and collusion against national security,” he was transferred to Rajaei Shahr Prison in Karaj.
 
In recent days, the Islamic regime has arrested several leftist researchers, writers, and translators.
 
 
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November 9, 2025

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard (IRGC), a sprawling military-security-economic bloc has launched a project to monitor and manage the reproductive lives of its personnel’s spouses. They announced a database of members’ wives under its military network, framed by alarms about fertility dropping below 1.46. Don’t read this as generic “family policy.”
 
Membership in the IRGC isn’t open. It’s selective, ideological, and heavily vetted. Joining the IRGC is not like enlisting in a regular army. It requires deep ideological alignment with the Islamic Republic, loyalty to the Supreme Leader, and often familial or institutional ties. Background checks, political screening, and long-term socialization through affiliated schools and religious networks are standard.
 
The IRGC is a closed, caste-like military bourgeoisie (and I’m using this term in its classical sense) that controls highways, construction, telecoms, oil, media, and banks.
In this system, women aren’t even family. They’re infrastructure. Their fertility is counted, optimized, and directed. Their wombs are treated as programmable devices to reproduce obedient future soldiers, bureaucrats, and enforcers. Children are born recruited. A mother’s value is measured not by her will, but by her yield.
 
The IRGC today is doing exactly what the medieval Church and aristocracy once did to preserve their power: reproducing loyalty through women’s bodies. The Church maintained its grip through bloodlines and marriages within loyal religious families; the aristocracy used noble blood as the key to legitimacy, and later the Nazis with the Lebensborn program, turned women’s wombs into factories for raising ideologically pure soldiers.
 
The IRGC is walking the same path. This is a dystopian logistics: securing a shrinking regime not through politics, but through biological self-replication.
 
 

November 7, 2025

The Islamic Republic wasn’t just the name of a regime; it was a project to “Islamize Iran” and push the idea that our culture is the official Shi’a reading, full stop. They thought they’d found the formula: schools, mosques, media, and law all working to make bodies and voices uniform. But the project failed because everyday life refused it: women and youth, music and the streets, and a historical memory that reaches beyond clerical law. Now, after four decades of cursing “nationalism,” they’ve been forced to spend from that very national stock to persuade the public, exactly when, by the regime president and MPs’ admissions, the economic crisis is less about sanctions and more about structural corruption and inept management.

At the same time, after years of dead-end strategies, they’ve pivoted toward “cutting a deal with the West,” while staging shows in Tehran to suggest: “Iranian, hold your head high; the world kneels before you.” This visual stunt is a clumsy attempt to repair a reputation that has collapsed at home—marketing external swagger to hide internal illegitimacy.

Alongside this comes a special project: blending mythical heroes and historic commanders with the IRGC soldier. Recreating the scene of a Roman emperor kneeling before a Sasanian king next to legendary Iranian figures and then sticking that image chain onto the IRGC uniform. The aim is obvious: a force whose name is tied to embezzlement, crony contracting, and bloody repression at home and across the region needs a symbolic cleansing. They even avoid mentioning the regular Army—an institution that, at least in public memory, is less associated with rent-seeking and business ventures. This isn’t about “reviving Iran’s glory”; it’s about whitewashing the institution that holds the real levers of the economy-and-security state.

The “Islamizing Iran” project failed, and the “Islamic/Historic Iran” makeover will fail too, because it asks people to choose spectacle over real life. Society, meanwhile, brings politics back to streets, schools, and networks of mutual aid: informal councils, solidarity campaigns, semi-underground unions, and small but stubborn media. That’s where “symbolic capital” slips out of monopoly and moves toward public ownership. And that’s why the Islamic regime is cracking down so violently on the left and the labor movement in Iran.

 
May be a graphic of text that says 'The War n Minds: Inside Regime's Coordinated Arrests of Left Scholars'

November 4, 2025

In the past 24 hours (November 3, 2025), security forces carried out coordinated raids on the homes of several left-wing researchers and translators in Tehran, arresting Parviz Sedaghat, Mahsa Asadollahnejad, and Shirin Karimi. They confiscated the belongings of Mohammad Maljoo and summoned him for questioning; the home of Heiman Rahimi was also searched, and he, too, was called in for “questions and answers.” Reports say the arrests were made without any charges being announced and involved sweeping seizures of laptops and books.
 
The repression of the left in Iran has a long, well-documented history. From the Shah’s regime to the present, left-wing, justice-oriented, emancipatory ideas have been consistently crushed, with the security apparatus particularly fixated on blocking their growth in universities and the labor movement. Even so, this latest wave pushes the old pattern of targeting activists into a new phase: it now reaches people whose work had, until recently, been tacitly tolerated. Who are they, and what have they done to be detained?
 
 

November 3, 2025

On Monday morning, November 3, Islamic regime security agents raided the homes of two left-leaning economists, Parviz Sedaghat and Mohammad Maljoo. Sedaghat was taken away after a search; Maljoo had been summoned for “a conversation” with a security body and has been unreachable since. The same day, writer and translator Shirin Karimi was also arrested at her home. Family members say they still don’t know the legal basis for the actions or where their loved ones are being held.
 
Sedaghat edits the Persian journal *Naqd-e Eqtesad-e Siasi* (“Critique of Political Economy”) and is known for sharp criticism of privatization schemes and semi-state monopolies. Maljoo is a researcher of Iran’s economic history and a public intellectual who speaks about labor, inequality, and “command-style” governance. Karimi is a writer-translator active in social and cultural debates. In short, all three belong to the country’s small but influential ecosystem of critical social scientists and translators—the people who connect global debates to Persian readers. Detaining them signals a narrowing of space for independent analysis.
 
Since the 2022 nationwide protests, authorities have leaned on national-security framing to police campuses, media, and civil society. Sedaghat had recently given a talk about the latest anti-left campaign in Iran—how it took shape, what its aims are, who is driving it, and what consequences it has for the country’s political life.
 
Update: Mahsa Asadollahnejad, a sociologist and researcher, was also arrested this morning while at their parents’ home, after authorities seized their electronic devices.
 
 
 
 
October 28, 2025
 
As the power struggle inside the Islamic regime heats up and factions keep exposing each other, a news agency affiliated with the IRGC quoted a member of Parliament’s Economic Commission saying that from 2018 through the first four months of 2025, about $95 billion in foreign currency from non-oil exports never made its way back into the country.
 
The commission had already published the names of the top ten offenders and now says it will release a list of the top one thousand. According to the same member, calculations show that over 90% of that $95 billion is tied to just 6,100 individuals and companies who failed to repatriate their obligations—an amount roughly equal to about 50% of this year’s public budget.
 
(Video from the weekly pensioners’ demonstration in Tehran on Monday. Slogan: “Our enemy is here, they lie that it is America”.)
 
 
October 27, 2025
 
In recent days, Iran’s political scene has seen a more public fight between two camps (Led by the Speaker of the Parliament against the Rouhani/Zarif faction) of Islamic regime: one that profits from economic/financial monopolies and sanctions, hiding behind the banner of “resistance”; and another that wants to end dependence on China and Russia in foreign policy and, by lifting sanctions, overhaul Iran’s financial/banking system and reconnect it to the international order.
 
Here, the Palestine knot sits at the heart of these internal contradictions. FATF/CFT, in the middle of a regional crisis, is more than a technical form for the “Islamic regime” and the “Axis of Resistance”: it’s where two languages collide—the language of “resistance” and the language of “terrorism.” Tehran after JCPOA wants an exception for the Axis of Resistance; global financial standards don’t accept exceptions (One reason why Trump withdrew from the JCPOA). The practical result is clear: money moves through informal, unaccountable channels, transaction costs climb, structural abuse becomes routine, and people in both Gaza and Iran remain hostages to geopolitics.
 
If joining FATF/CFT were meant to be a responsible answer to the regional crisis, the “money question” would have to change—toward a level of transparency that satisfies all sides. In practice, for one faction in the regime, that means fully ring-fencing civil and humanitarian support with third-party audits, a beneficial-ownership registry, direct salary payments to hospital, school, and municipal workers, open-data utility contracts, and monthly transaction reports. This architecture is compatible with FATF standards and, at the same time, delivers real help to Palestinians.
 
But there’s a precondition the other faction won’t like: ending exceptions. You can’t keep the “resistance exception” and also expect to be accepted as a standard member of the global financial system. As long as the exception stands, the blacklist stands; and as long as the blacklist stands, ordinary people on both sides pay the price of uncertainty, while a small oligarchy—the so-called “sanctions profiteers” in Iran—keeps cashing in.
 
Seeing the war through this lens helps explain how factional infighting in Iran turned Palestine into a bargaining chip and ensured that the “Axis of Resistance” is either so toothless that integration into the international monetary/banking system becomes unavoidable—or the opposite. In this setup, the losing camp now leans only on the corruption card that China and Russia uniquely benefit from, which is why this faction treats Russia as a friend and refuses criticism of Moscow. The goal is to preserve a monopoly that was already fattened by the very existence of the “Axis of Resistance.”
 
 
 
October 20, 2025
 
On Monday, a group of nurses working at medical centers in Ahvaz and Kermanshah held gatherings to protest. For months they’ve repeatedly warned about exhausting workloads, unequal pay, and job insecurity.
 
At these rallies, nurses condemned their deteriorating living conditions and rising work pressure, demanding payment of overdue wages, full implementation of the nursing services tariff law, an end to discrimination in overtime pay, and better conditions for outsourced (agency) and contract staff. These demands have gone unanswered for months, fueling widespread dissatisfaction among healthcare workers.
 
Their chant: “Prices rise with the dollar, but our wages stay in rials.”
 
 
 
October 20, 2025
 
Let me start with this report:
 
according to Iran’s own Ministry of Health, around 120,000 people die every year in the country due to malnutrition. That means roughly one-third of all deaths in Iran are tied to food injustice. Meat consumption is less than half the recommended amount, dairy has become so expensive that half the population has cut it out, and simply due to a lack of omega-3 fatty acids, 10,000 people lose their lives each year.
 
One-third of all deaths in Iran from food poverty, skyrocketing prices, and poor nutritional quality, while the country’s budget is being poured into building “strategic depth” in Beirut and Damascus. This isn’t resistance, and it’s not solidarity with the oppressed. It’s an insult to the intelligence of people who have to choose between bread and meat, milk and medicine, just to make it through the day.
 
When Ali Khamenei asks, “What is America doing in this region?”, he poses a question that, on the surface, seems reasonable. In reality, the United States is a force of war and domination, it has left a bloody trail from Vietnam to Afghanistan, from Iraq to Palestine. Its military bases in the region are about controlling energy, markets, and geostrategic positioning.
 
That much is undeniable. But this is where the core contradiction begins: Why is it that “supporting the oppressed” always means crossing borders and militarism, and never applies to the children dying at home from the lack of milk or whole grain bread?
 
The Islamic regime’s foreign policy reproduces the very same geopolitical order like all regional powers, it seeks to secure its position, not liberate other peoples. The final question is the same one Khamenei throws at Washington: “What are you doing here?” That question must be thrown back at Tehran, with no exemptions, and no excuses.
 
 
 
October 17, 2025
 
Today, the secretary of Tehran province’s “Enjoining Good & Forbidding Wrong” headquarters, announced a new “Situation Room for Chastity & Hijab,” alongside the organization and activation of “more than 80,000 trained volunteers” plus 4,575 trainers and judicial auxiliaries. Officials framed it as a cultural-social campaign run with “cultural and security” bodies. This isn’t rumor; multiple Iranian outlets carried the remarks.
 
Is this the morality police by another name? Not exactly—but it’s meant to do similar work through a different architecture. The “Setad” in question is a policy/coordination body that operates countrywide under the 2015 “Law on Supporting Enjoiners of Good & Forbidders of Wrong.” That law is very clear: verbal/written “enjoining” is for everyone, but any “practical” enforcement is the state’s job only. In other words, volunteers cannot arrest, detain, or use force. At the same time, the statute allows designated auxiliaries—often trained via Basij and certified as “judicial officers”—to document, report, and trigger referrals that plug directly into police and prosecutors. The Setad itself doesn’t have police powers; it builds the pipeline. Expect coordinated reporting, documentation, and faster hand-offs to law enforcement, not vans dragging people away from the curb
 
Why now? Because the regime is stuck between law on paper and a social reality it can’t reverse. After the “Woman, Life, Freedom” uprising, compulsory hijab statutes were never repealed—but enforcement has been erratic and contested. In late 2024, the government publicly paused the new “Chastity & Hijab” bill’s issuance after inter-branch talks; Vice President Shahram Dabiri said parliament should not forward the law “for now,” and in May 2025 Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf disclosed a written instruction from the Supreme National Security Council telling parliament not to promulgate it. Translation: the text exists, but its activation is frozen at the highest security level.
 
 
October 16, 2025
 
Masoud Pezeshkian, the Islamic regime’s president, said in a meeting with education officials in Isfahan: “We’re sitting on a pile of gold, yet we’re starving. The blame lies with us, managers, officials, politicians, and lawmakers. It’s not America’s fault.”
 
He added that he supports young people studying abroad “as long as they come back,” but warned that “if they leave and never return, it’s a disaster.”
 
Speaking on military threats and internal unity, he remarked: “I’m not afraid of the U.S. or Israel—I’m afraid of our own divisions and infighting. If we stay united, we can overcome any challenge. But if we turn on each other, we won’t need America or Israel to destroy us—we’ll do it ourselves.”
 
A report published by Iran’s parliamentary research center in June 2025 focused on the country’s “educational poverty.” It highlighted serious challenges faced by lower-income families, including poor access to quality education, declining student performance, rising dropout rates, and deepening educational inequality—partly due to falling government investment in public education.
 
(Video: For the second day in a row, a group of teachers gathered in front of the Ministry of Education building in Tehran. The protesters criticized the government’s inaction regarding employment contracts, saying that despite repeated promises, their job status remains unresolved. They also condemned the rehiring of retired teachers instead of employing experienced educators from the Literacy Movement, demanding the immediate implementation of existing laws and an end to their ongoing job insecurity.)
 
 
October 15, 2025
 
Videos circulating on social media show a group of prisoners at Ghezel Hesar Prison in Karaj chanting “No to execution” on the second day of their hunger strike.
 
According to human rights sources, inmates in Ward 2 of the prison began their strike on Monday, October 13, in protest against the widespread implementation of death sentences. In a statement, they called for the immediate abolition of all executions, stressing that capital punishment is “a tool of repression, not justice.”
 
Reports say security officers have tried to pressure the prisoners into ending their strike by cutting off their phone access and issuing threats. Meanwhile, unofficial sources say at least 16 inmates have recently been transferred to solitary confinement, reportedly in preparation for their executions.
 
 
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